Kommende VeranstaltungenInternational | History of anarchism Keine kommenden Veranstaltungen veröffentlicht January 2020 Kate Sharpley Library Bulletin online 19:04 Jan 31 0 comments July 2019 Kate Sharpley Library Bulletin online 03:00 Aug 09 0 comments February 2019 Kate Sharpley Library Bulletin online 17:24 Feb 24 0 comments October 2018 Kate Sharpley Library Bulletin online 18:40 Nov 02 0 comments July 2018 Kate Sharpley Library Bulletin online 18:25 Jul 27 0 comments mehr >> |
Recent articles by Wayne Price
Malatesta’s Revolutionary Anarchism in British Exile 2 comments An Anarchist View of Trotsky’s "Transitional Program" 3 comments The Joy of Alex Comfort 2 comments Recent Articles about International History of anarchismMalatesta’s Revolutionary Anarchism in British Exile Feb 28 24 Ε. Ρεκλύ: Ένας π... Aug 20 23 Σχόλια για τη... Dec 25 22 In Defense of Bakunin and Anarchism
international |
history of anarchism |
debate
Sunday May 25, 2014 07:19 by Wayne Price
Responses to Herb Gamberg's Attacks on Anarchism The Marxist journal, "Platypus Review", published an article by Herb Gamberg which attacked anarchism by focusing on Bakunin. Wayne Price wrote a response and Gamberg replied, in PR. The following is Wayne's original response plus his new reply to Gamberg's latest comments. In Defense of Bakunin and AnarchismResponses to Herb Gamberg's Attacks on AnarchismThe Marxist journal, Platypus Review, published an attack on anarchism (focusing on Michael Bakunin) by Herb Gamberg (PR 64/March 2014): “Anarchism through Bakunin: A Marxist Assessment” In Defense of Anarchism: A Response to Herb GambergIn this, he makes a mistake. Important as Bakunin was in initiating the anarchist movement, it is easy to overstate his significance. Anarchism has a different relationship to its “founding fathers” than does Marxism. Marxists are, well, Marxists; also Leninists, Trotskyists, Maoists, etc. Anarchists are not Bakuninists, Kropotkinists, mor Goldmanites. Anarchism is more of a collective product. For example, that Bakunin had a penchant for imagining elitist, secret conspiratorial societies is true enough, but this soon dropped out of the movement. Instead, many of today’s anarchists are for democratic federations of revolutionary anarchists, which openly participate in broader movements (e.g., “neo-platformism” or “especifismo”). Similarly, Gamberg may criticize Bakunin for his lack of theoretical activity, but this could not be said of Peter Kropotkin or of current anarchists. To respond to Gamberg, it is necessary to understand what he means by Marxism, his version of Marxism. This is clarified by a tossed-off line: “20th century revolutions that created proletarian states have moved neither to classlessness nor statelessness . . .” Note the plural; he is not just writing about the Soviet Union. He is referring to states that he regards as workers’ (“proletarian”) states. These were countries in which the working class did not play major parts in their revolutions (excepting the Soviet Union), and in which the workers (and the peasants) had no control over the government. In fact, the workers and peasants in these “proletarian states” were viciously exploited and oppressed, and even murdered by the millions. Such regimes are most accurately regarded as “state capitalist” rather than as any kind of “workers’ state” (whatever that would mean in practice). A person who holds such views has a different moral perspective—a different class orientation—from supporters of anarchism or other types of libertarian communism. Whether this was Marx’s view is another question. In my opinion, Marx expressed both libertarian-democratic and authoritarian views at different times and in different places. The question of social values arise when Gamberg states (apparently as a negative) that, “[A]t the center of Bakunin’s anarchism [is] the engagement with underdogs against their more powerful oppressors . . . whenever there was an issue of oppression by one group by another with power . . . .” Yes, anarchists are on the side of the oppressed against oppression, in all cases and on all issues. This does not mean opposition to non-oppressive “authority,” in the sense of expertise (e.g., a shoemaker or surgeon), as Gamberg misstates. Nor does it mean rejecting the importance of the modern industrial working class. Gamberg correctly notes, “[W]ith Marx, Bakunin sometimes emphasized the centrality of class conflict . . . .” However, Gamberg blatantly contradicts himself on this point. He asserts, falsely, that Bakunin rejected workers’ unions: “Bakunin . . . saw the very existence of such organizations [working class trade unions] as retrogressive.” But a few paragraphs later, he writes, Bakunin “ . . . accepted the necessity of trade union organization for the working class . . . He also saw trade unions as the potential building blocks of the future . . . .” Oddly, Gamberg hardly mentions the one practical and strategic, difference between the anarchists and Marx, which arose at the end of the First International. While both were for labor unions, Marx wanted the International to push for workers’ parties in all countries, to run in elections. “Marx hoped to transform the International’s organizations in the various countries into political parties . . . .”(2) He stated that it might be possible for the workers to take over the state, peacefully and legally, in some cases (especially Britain). In 1880, Marx wrote an “Introduction to the Program of the French Workers’ Party,” which stated that with this party, “[U]niversal suffrage . . . will thus be transformed from the instrument of fraud that it has been up till now into an instrument of emancipation.”(3) To French anarchists of the time, this seemed to contradict the revolutionary lessons of the Paris Commune. With the benefit of hindsight, the history of the Marxist Social Democratic parties, and even of the recent Eurocommunist and Green parties, we see that the anarchists were right to reject electoralism. Gamberg is wrong to claim that anarchists believe “the state is the source and origin of all evil,” as distinct from the exploitative class system and other forms of oppression. But it is certainly true that anarchists are opposed to the state (as part of the overall system of domination) and reject the Marxist program of a “transitional” or “workers’” state. He correctly quotes Bakunin as predicting that a revolution which constructs “a powerfully centralized revolutionary state would inevitably result in military dictatorship and a new master.” This does not mean a rejection of all social coordination or defense against counterrevolutionary forces. As did later anarchists, Bakunin advocated a federation of workplace councils and neighborhood assemblies tied in with an armed people (a popular militia). This would be the self-organization of the workers and their allies. But he opposed a state; that is, he opposes a bureaucratic-military socially-alienated machine over and above the rest of the working population.(4) Gamberg and others criticize anarchists for being decentralists and advocates of “small” organizations. He asserts, “Socialism…has always been fully committed to the advantages of larger, technically proficient, enterprise.” This is to say, state socialists have accepted the capitalist development of technology and business as though it were the “rational” way to industrialize. The way capitalism develops technology and business forms is not for the most efficient way to produce useful products, but to produce and realize surplus value. This has resulted in a massive attack on the ecology and the destruction of human potentialities. A liberating socialist revolution will immediately begin to reorganize the technology to be amenable to worker self-management and ecological balance. This will include re-structuring the flow of work, the roles of order-givers and order-takers, the goals of production in terms of final goods, by-products, its effects upon the workers, and the size of units and sub-units of industry. Gamberg claims the anarchist goal is to organize “a decentralized confederacy of small independent groups.” In fact, anarchists accept centralization when necessary, and seek to balance localism and centralization (which is the point about being a “confederacy”). However, they seek to minimize centralization, which means power being in the hands of a few at a “center,” while everyone else is out on the “periphery.” Anarchists are not against all delegation and representation in big organizations, but seek to root society in directly democratic, face-to-face, small groups in the neighborhood and at the socialized workplace. Gamberg quotes Bakunin as warning that Marx’s supposed “scientific socialist [state] will be the reign of scientific intelligence, the most aristocratic, despotic, arrogant, and elitist of all regimes.” Gamberg misinterprets this to mean that Bakunin had a “profound suspicion for a scientific approach.” Actually Bakunin greatly admired Marx’s theoretical achievements in historical materialism and his critique of the political economy. Many anarchists have felt similarly. (I myself have written a book presenting Marx’s economic theory from an anarchist perspective.)(5) But what the quotation from Bakunin really means is that if a party of intellectuals who think they have all the “scientific” answers should take over a state, it will become a new, collective, ruling class! Bakunin and other anarchists repeatedly warned that if Marx’s program was carried out, if a centralized state of self-confident theorists (whether workers or “scientific” intellectuals) took over and nationalized and centralized the economy—the result would be state capitalism, with a new, collectivized, ruling class. Gamberg has such quotations scattered through his essay. And that is why, as he says, “the 20th century revolutions that created proletarian states have moved neither to classlessness nor to statelessness…!” That is, for the extended periods that they existed before collapsing back into traditional capitalism. It is interesting to contrast Gamberg’s wholly negative view of Bakunin with that of the Marxist David Fernbach, in his “Introduction” to Karl Marx, Political Writings: “Bakunin, for all his errors, was a socialist revolutionary who aimed, like Marx…at the overthrow of the bourgeois state and the abolition of private property. Bakunin’s abstentionism [from elections], however mistaken, reflected his almost instinctive fear of reformist diversion from the revolutionary goal, and of bureaucratic authority in the post-revolutionary society . . . But however correct Marx was…Bakunin’s rejection of working class participation in the bourgeois political system, and his warning of the dangers involved in the proletarian seizure of political power, raise questions that Marx did not solve altogether satisfactorily. The former leads on to the question of reformism . . . .”(6) Fernbach is a Marxist and not an anarchist, yet he sees positive aspects in the legacy of Bakunin. He implies that Marxists may even learn something from anarchism (as, I believe, anarchists can learn from aspects of Marxism). This is especially true when we consider that the “first wave” of Marxism ended in reformist, counterrevolutionary, and pro-imperialist social democracy and that the “second wave” of Marxism (i.e., Leninism) ended in totalitarian state capitalism—and then its collapse. I have yet to read a Marxist with a clear explanation of this history—yet anarchists predicted it as the “first wave” was just beginning! I am not going to review Gamberg’s lengthy philosophical background to Bakunin’s thought, as he thinks he understands it. He essentially insists on treating Bakunin as an individualist and egotist, when Bakunin (and Kropotkin and other anarchist-communists) rejected individualist anarchism. They did not agree with Godwin or Stirner (who had no influence on the anarchist movement). But this is a background issue. They key point is that, like Marx and Engels, Bakunin and those who came after him believed in a social revolution by the working class and all the oppressed. Yet they rejected Marx’s program of seizing a state and centralizing the economy. They (correctly) predicted that this would result in a new exploitative tyranny. Instead they advocated the self-organization of the working people, through committees, councils, associations, and militias, to democratically self-manage society. This goal has not yet been achieved, but it one worth fighting for. Notes: 1. See Herb Gamberg, “Anarchism Through Bakunin: A Marxist Assesment,” Platypus Review #64 (March 2014), 2. David Fernbach, ed., “Introduction,” in Karl Marx: The First International and After Political Writings; Vol. 3 (New York: Penguin/New Left Review, 1992). 3. Ibid, 376-377. 4. See Wayne Price, The Value of Radical Theory; An Anarchist Introduction to Marx’s Critique of Political Economy (Oakland: AK Press, 2013). 5. Ibid. 6. David Fernbach, ed., “Introduction,” in Karl Marx: The First International and After Political Writings; Vol. 3 (New York: Penguin/New Left Review, 1992), 50-51.
Herb Gamberg has briefly and concisely replied to my criticism of his original attack on anarchism (and to another criticism by Liam Swenson). He does not really bother to respond to my arguments but mostly repeats old Stalinist boilerplate (while claiming that anarchists are “dogmatic”). He begins by restating Leninist propositions: “after a socialist insurrection takes power it must first abolish capitalist state power and initiate a new form of state power—a dictatorship of the working class necessary for the whole transitional period leading to a classless and stateless future…..All this has been more or less implemented by all 20th century revolutions….” |
HauptseiteSupport Sudanese anarchists in exile Joint Statement of European Anarchist Organizations International anarchist call for solidarity: Earthquake in Turkey, Syria and Kurdistan Elements of Anarchist Theory and Strategy 19 de Julio: Cuando el pueblo se levanta, escribe la historia International anarchist solidarity against Turkish state repression Declaración Anarquista Internacional por el Primero de Mayo, 2022 Le vieux monde opprime les femmes et les minorités de genre. Leur force le détruira ! Against Militarism and War: For self-organised struggle and social revolution Declaração anarquista internacional sobre a pandemia da Covid-19 Anarchist Theory and History in Global Perspective Capitalism, Anti-Capitalism and Popular Organisation [Booklet] Reflexiones sobre la situación de Afganistán South Africa: Historic rupture or warring brothers again? Death or Renewal: Is the Climate Crisis the Final Crisis? Gleichheit und Freiheit stehen nicht zur Debatte! Contre la guerre au Kurdistan irakien, contre la traîtrise du PDK Meurtre de Clément Méric : l’enjeu politique du procès en appel International | History of anarchism | en Fri 29 Mar, 05:56 October 2014 Kate Sharpley Library Bulletin online 18:21 Wed 29 Oct 0 comments KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 80, October 2014 has just been posted on our site. October 2013 Kate Sharpley Library Bulletin online 20:24 Sat 26 Oct 0 comments KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 76, October 2013 has just been posted on the site. International conference for bicentennial of Mikhail Bakunin 21:20 Fri 08 Mar 0 comments On May 30, 2014 we will be celebrating 200 years of Mikhail Bakunin (1814 – 1876), a famous activist of the Russian and international revolutionary movement, a social thinker and one of the founders of the international anarchist movement. [Français] [Русский] February 2013 Kate Sharpley Library Bulletin online 22:41 Sat 23 Feb 0 comments KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 73, February 2013 has just been posted on the site. You can get to the contents here http://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/qrfkm1 or read the full pdf here: http://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/g4f5zm. "Revolution", by Carlo Cafiero 05:27 Fri 03 Aug 2 comments Black Cat Press is pleased to announce the publication of "Revolution" by Carlo Cafiero for the first time ever in English (indeed nor has it ever been published as a complete volume in the original Italian!). The book brings what is certainly Cafiero's most complete, original work to English-speaking audiences for the first time. It is also an extremely important work in that it is one of the earliest attempts at compiling a complete theoretical view of the revolutionary ideal of anarchist communism. [Italiano] [Nederlands] A visit to the Kate Sharpley Library (2012) 20:48 Sat 21 Jul 0 comments I’ve just come back from visiting the Kate Sharpley Library in California. Things have changed from the days when I could get there on the bus and we were buying our first filing cabinet. Lots of filing cabinets now, as well as boxes like the Left Bank Books archive. It’s good to look at the non-fiction shelves, seeing ‘old friends’ and new acquisitions. July 2012 Kate Sharpley Library bulletin (double issue) now online 18:02 Fri 20 Jul 0 comments KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 70-71, July 2012 [Double issue] has just been posted on the site. You can get to the contents or read the full pdf too. October 2011 Kate Sharpley Library bulletin online 18:37 Sat 05 Nov 0 comments KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 68, October 2011 has just been posted on the site. Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and Postcolonial World, 1870-1940 14:30 Sat 15 Jan 0 comments Narratives of anarchist and syndicalist history during the era of the first globalization and imperialism (1870-1930) have overwhelmingly been constructed around a Western European tradition centered on discrete national cases. This parochial perspective typically ignores transnational connections and the contemporaneous existence of large and influential libertarian movements in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Eastern Europe. Yet anarchism and syndicalism, from their very inception at the First International, were conceived and developed as international movements. By focusing on the neglected cases of the colonial and postcolonial world, this volume underscores the worldwide dimension of these movements and their centrality in anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles. Drawing on in-depth historical analyses of the ideology, structure, and praxis of anarchism/syndicalism, it also provides fresh perspectives and lessons for those interested in understanding their resurgence today. Nestor Makhno Archive - update 21:29 Wed 07 Apr 0 comments The Nestor Makhno Archive has now been updated, with the addition of over 70 new documents in Arabic, Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, English, French, Greek, Hungarian, Italian, Macedonian, Russian, Spanish and Ukrainian. more >>Taking the Mick: Bakunin in the 21st Century Jul 11 2 comments A short introduction to some of the basic ideas of Bakunin and their relevance in the 21st Century. The First International and the Development of Anarchism and Marxism Jun 11 5 comments There are recent histories of the First International researched from anarchist perspectives, which balance the dominant Marxist narrative. Both sides had their strengths and weaknesses, but overall the anarchists had the better program. James Guillaume (1844-1916) & the birth of syndicalism, anarchist communism May 29 2 comments From Mother Earth volume 12, number 1, March 1917: OBITUARY : James Guillaume (1844-1916 Bridges between anarchism and democratic confederalism – 2 Apr 04 0 comments Introduction to this particular issue, April 2nd Bruno Lima Rocha The Life of Bakunin: anti-imperialism, anti-capitalism, anti-statism Jun 01 0 comments We do not see Bakunin as a god who never made mistakes. Of course he was not perfect. was a man, but a man who gave his all for the struggle of the oppressed, a revolutionary hero who deserves our admiration and respect. “From Bakunin, we can learn much about revolutionary activism. We can learn even more about the ideas needed to win the age-old fight between exploiter and exploited, between worker and peasant, on the one hand, and boss and ruler on the other. The greatest honor we can do his memory is to fight today and always for human freedom and workers liberation.” more >>October 2014 Kate Sharpley Library Bulletin online Oct 29 Kate Sharpley Library 0 comments KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 80, October 2014 has just been posted on our site. October 2013 Kate Sharpley Library Bulletin online Oct 26 KSL 0 comments KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 76, October 2013 has just been posted on the site. February 2013 Kate Sharpley Library Bulletin online Feb 23 Kate Sharpley Library 0 comments KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 73, February 2013 has just been posted on the site. You can get to the contents here http://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/qrfkm1 or read the full pdf here: http://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/g4f5zm. July 2012 Kate Sharpley Library bulletin (double issue) now online Jul 20 KSL 0 comments KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 70-71, July 2012 [Double issue] has just been posted on the site. You can get to the contents or read the full pdf too. October 2011 Kate Sharpley Library bulletin online Nov 05 KSL 0 comments KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 68, October 2011 has just been posted on the site. more >> |
Zeige nur Titel der Kommentare
save preference
Kommentare (1 de 1)
Spring zu Komment: 1Ojalá alguien traduzca este texto al castellano, junto a otros textos del autor