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brazil/guyana/suriname/fguiana / economia / opinião / análise Sunday December 17, 2017 18:56 byBrunoL

A única condição de exercício de governo que não a continuidade do período de Temer e do desmonte seria um pacote revogatório das medidas privatizantes tomadas desde abril de 2016.

Bruno Lima Rocha, 13 de dezembro de 2017
É tarefa difícil projetar o ano de 2018, sendo que o corrente ano não terminou e ainda pelo fato de vivermos o prolongamento do terceiro turno das eleições presidenciais de 2014. Mas, como o tema eleitoral está judicializado (a começar pelo julgamento do ex-presidente Lula, marcada a segunda instância no TRF-4 em 24 de janeiro) e as possibilidades das urnas através da democracia indireta dependem de manobras do Supremo (caso, por exemplo, o ex-presidente hipoteticamente condenado venha a recorrer, dentre outras variáveis); acórdãos de última hora (através de um xeque mate do semiparlamentarismo, não de fato, mas na forma da “lei”); legislação em causa própria das regras eleitorais pelo Congresso (como o autofinanciamento sem limite ou a permissividade de participação de empresas estrangeiras na campanha cibernética); cabe antever aquilo que já está observável. Parece lugar comum, mas o fato é que o Brasil está vivendo um trauma difícil de cicatrizar.
Em abril de 2016 a presidenta reeleita Dilma Rousseff foi afastada do cargo pela Câmara, consumando o impeachment no Senado em agosto, sendo que dificilmente a cidadania brasileira saberá explicar a razão da perda do mandato. As tais “pedaladas” são uma “piada” grosseira, e a justificativa legal é uma lei de 1950, jamais inteiramente respeitada, e escrita às pressas para colocar um freio no governo Vargas que iniciaria em 1951, terminando com seu suicídio em 24 de agosto de 1954. Como não há causa jurídica, o resultado foi fruto do golpe parlamentar, com os legisladores julgando o “conjunto da obra”. Ou seja, uma manobra típica do parlamentarismo.
Em termos de conformação de classe, o “golpe jurídico-midiático-parlamentar” resulta tanto na quebra de uma aliança de classes espelhada pelo lulismo, como a ascensão – fragmentada, é verdade – de uma tecnocracia de Estado com ares de estamento e nítida acumulação de poderes. Se entre 1935 e 1964, com alguns intervalos, as Forças Armadas operaram como um recurso de tipo Poder Moderador, agora o fator interveniente não veste farda, mas toga. Refiro-me aos cerca de 17 mil juízes, 13 mil procuradores e órgãos correcionais ou fiscalizadores, como os delegados da Polícia Federal e auditores da Receita, dentre outros.
O esvaziamento do Poder Executivo, que pela tradição brasileira é o reflexo de um voto que tende a ser plebiscitário, é acompanhado da incapacidade de exercício de governo. Porque, além dos dois poderes acima mencionados – o Parlamento com evidente representação de classe dominante e o Estamento Togado, com ascensão e poder de veto ou moderador – ainda temos no controle central da economia aos financistas ou seus representantes, especialmente dentro do na prática “independente” Banco Central (BC). Com o uso e abuso da taxa básica de juros (Selic), o tripé macroeconômico (e sujeito aos ataques especulativos do valor do dólar) e a DRU (Desvinculação de Receitas da União) que dispõe de 30% do orçamento federal para a equipe econômica (ministérios da Fazenda, Planejamento, além do BC), já é quase impossível governar de acordo com o programa escolhido nas urnas.
Vale observar que “os analistas econômicos” – aqueles que operam no “mercado de notícias sobre o tal do mercado” – insistem que a baixa da Selic é reflexo do “ajuste e dever de casa”, sendo possível sua elevação para o meio da corrida eleitoral de 2018; vindo a agravar-se no primeiro trimestre de 2019. Enfim, uma explícita chantagem midiatizada, onde os mercadores de “notícias plantadas” vociferam o fontismo empresarial e especialmente especulativo, condicionam o último suspiro democrático na democracia liberal periférica e capitalista brasileira – a soberania popular manipulada nas campanhas eleitorais – às vontades dos donos da banca, literalmente.
Infelizmente as restritas condições institucionais existentes no pacto de classes do lulismo se agravaram após o golpe. Em 2016, o governo ilegítimo de Temer (atado por um fiapo de legalidade, ou de legalidade questionável) conseguiu aprovar no Congresso a PEC 55/241, ou o Novo Regime Fiscal – do teto dos gastos, conhecida também como a PEC do Fim do Mundo. Esta Emenda na Constituição simplesmente colide com cláusulas pétreas de orçamento vinculado, mas o STF nada fez – como quase nada faz quando é para garantir direitos ou distribuir renda. Mesmo que ocorra a vitória de uma candidatura de centro-esquerda ou de esquerda, a capacidade de governar dependerá diretamente da mobilização social em defesa dos direitos adquiridos e retirados de forma ilegítima.
A única condição de exercício de governo que não a continuidade do período de Temer e do desmonte seria um pacote revogatório das medidas privatizantes tomadas desde abril de 2016. Podemos reconhecer que boa parte da agenda regressiva já estava pautada no segundo governo de Dilma, mas o golpe liberou os demônios, escancarando a tampa do esgoto oligárquico e entreguista. Não há muita alternativa, para conter o “processo de mexicanização”, com retirada de direitos e aumento da presença tanto de capital transnacional no investimento e infraestrutura como o aumento do espaço dos financistas nas decisões centrais do aparelho de Estado, só revertendo legalmente o que foi feito na forma de uma “ditadura de classe” através do “semi-presidencialismo de coalizão”. Ou seja, não há mais espaço para um pacto de classes. Ganhe quem ganhe em 2018, ainda será o 4º turno de 2014.

brazil/guyana/suriname/fguiana / anarchist movement / opinion / analysis Wednesday December 06, 2017 00:10 byCoordenação Anarquista Brasileira

CAB text that conceptualises strategy and its main elements.

[Português]

For a Theory of Strategy

By Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB – Brazilian Anarchist Coordination)

Translation by S. Nicholas Nappalos

Power, Dominance, and Social Classes

Power relations permeate all social relations, and involve social agents in the most diverse disputes and attempts to influence situations. In societies divided into social classes there is a specific power relationship that can manifest itself in different social spheres (economic, political and ideological): dominance, domination.

Domination occurs when a class, group, or individual carries out the plan of another person, group, or class against their own interests, thereby damaging themselves, and reinforcing the dominator’s privileges.

The social classes mark the history of humanity since the appearance of the great civilizations up to the present, possessing a prominent and specific role in capitalism. Relations between social classes are relations of domination.

Anarchism, as a socialist current, struggles for the end of domination and, consequently, for the end of social classes, having the aim of building an egalitarian (socialist) and free (libertarian) system.

To achieve this goal, it is necessary for anarchists in general, and our political organizations in particular, to build a strategy and program that will guide the general path of this transformation.

General Strategic-Programmatic Framework

The table below systematizes what we understand by strategy and program of a political organization.

Note: Elements in the table are: General Strategy, Limited Time Strategy 1 & 2, Tactic 1-6, Analysis of Conjuncture, Analysis of Structure, and Ultimate/Goal Objective



Strategic-Programmatic Elements

Below we discuss and conceptualize strategy and program, in general, followed by placing the other elements in the framework.

Strategy and Program

The strategy involves a reading of reality, the goals you want to achieve and a path to it. It is nothing more than the science of conflict, in the final analysis, the study of war (at all levels, forms, and intensities), including social conflict or class struggle.

The idea of strategy arises from the relations of conflict between classes, groups, or people and the fact that political disputes involve antagonistic interests.

We need to form a line that unifies our activity in a way that is federalist, but never fragmented. We can realize compact and internally cohesive action through a political practice that grows the organization, and this simply means a line that builds or rebuilds the social organizations necessary for the basis of popular power. To this unifying line we give the name and conceptual weight of the program.

The program formalizes a chosen strategy and therefore guides actions for a given time and place. To build a program, we have to use strategic evaluation and planning. It must present strategic reflections with notions about where we are, where we want to go in a particular moment, and how we will walk this path.

A program concretizes the line we apply in a period. It can be for shorter or longer periods of time. It contains a series of points, goals and objectives to be applied in the short term or non-short term (between organizational congresses, for example) and reflects the central objective of the strategy (general or restrained to a specific time). It presents the appropriate tools for popular activity (horizontal and combative): to unify the struggles, act from within our different fronts, generate an identity in which diverse social subjects see and act from a notion of oppressed classes.

There is, therefore, a general political line to guide our initiatives in a specific time. It may also occur that the strategic objectives of a period do not fully correspond with the current capacity our militants (both in infrastructure and people/time to work at all necessary levels) nor with the force of our intervention in social struggles. Still, we have to transform into concrete political practice what we have chosen as general objectives for this stage. The program will be the instrument that will demonstrate the concrete actions we will take to realize our strategic hypothesis. For this reason we also talk about an agenda. They are distinct operations that must be in place to bring about a living force (this is because we intend to bring it into existence) in the face of harsh living conditions, fragmentation, despair caused by misery, loss of the idea of a collective future, the social fabric in tatters and the ideological advance of the old-right (oligarchies, financial and/or national capital) as well as the new-right (ruling class fractions, growing new political-administrative elites, the “official left” governments).

Of course, the ultimate objective and general organizational strategy may appear in the program. In this case it is a “maximum program”, with little variation. Nevertheless, it is important that the program presents more narrow short-and medium-term elements.

Structure/Structural Analysis

It is the evaluation of these elements that allows us to understand the system and structure in which we are inserted, taking into account awareness of the long term. This type of analysis is based on history and seeks to present the main structural features (which do not vary much with the conjuncture) of the capitalist system, of the state, of the current hegemonic culture (always with this awareness of the long term).

Marx’s analysis of capitalism in Capital, for example, is structural, as is the anarchist theory of the state (and this theory of the sate is independent of the party in government). The structure is deeper and has elements of greater permanence than the conjuncture; in an analysis of this type, we approach the system of domination and its class structure, regardless of whether company X or Y has greater economic power or whether party A or B is has power over the executive or legislative branches of government for example.

Conjuncture/Conjunctural Analysis

It is the evaluation of these elements that make it possible to understand the moment in which the system and the structure of the society are found, that is, what is the characterization of the period in which a society is and its most important features are encountered? This type of analysis is much more immediate than structural analysis and takes into account changes such as economic policies, political parties in power, economic capitalist blocs, international and national scenarios, wars, conflicts, major events, popular movements, culture in a more immediate sense, etc.

As anarchists, we believe that, even with structural/conjunctural limitations, human action is capable of modifying/transforming society. Therefore, we must take into account in these analyzes of human actions that have contributed to the social conformations in question. Since we are not completely guided by the structure/conjuncture, we have to think how to position ourselves and how to act in relation to them. The conjuncture is the current moment, but it is necessary to select a piece of reality to be able to change it. They are, at least, three simultaneous dimensions. One is time, that is, the period to which we refer.

We can say that the period of time we stipulate is the following (very short term = 2 years, short term = 4 years, medium = 8 years, and long = 12 or more), or that we are analyzing the conjuncture of the month, a quarter and so on. We can also say that we analyze the planning of another agent (ie, another political party or an institution of the enemy), and there use the time division that this other agent themselves stipulated. Another necessary dimension is the geographic dimension of terrain. Thus, we can analyze the conjuncture of a region of the metropolis, as we can try to analyze Rio Grande do Sul (a Brazilian province), as we even venture into a global analysis of the reality of the War against Iraq. Analysis simply cannot be done outside of time and space, and therefore these two dimensions are fundamental.

Ultimate Objective

The ultimate objective is inflexible and establishes the society that one desires for the future. In the case of CAB, as pointed out in our principles, the ultimate objectives are social revolution and libertarian socialism. In the case of an anarchist program, we consider it necessary to point out the general features of this system, that is, what we propose for self-management and federalism in the three spheres. The ultimate objective is consolidated with the conquest of society by the forces of the people and with the victory of popular power, through a long-term revolutionary process. This victory means political power by the federalist and revolutionary form and socio-economic self-management across the scale of the liberated territory.

It is very important to know that the finalist goals should not be confused with the overall strategy. The definition of the objectives we want to achieve is marked by the ideological choices we make, so that changes in general objectives imply ideological change, but not necessarily the same thing with the strategy. Revising the strategy, therefore, does not imply changing the principles. Libertarian socialism is a goal and the construction of popular power is more in the field of strategy.

It is these objectives that will condition the creation of our strategies and tactics, since it is the objectives that condition the strategies and these condition the tactics; This is what anarchists have called coherence between means and ends. This ultimate goal is established from the utopia.

Utopia is an inflexible and permanent element; It is a place to be built, the inspiration that, applied in concrete terms, traces the ultimate objective. The place to be built is socialist and libertarian society, where the form of social organization to live in collectivity will not emerge through injustice means, systems of privilege, nor will it reconstitute a state. We may never reach it, but this place is what directs the organization’s strategic goals and time.

General/Permanent Strategy

The general/permanent strategy is inflexible and characterized by general planning that coordinates the objective goals (where we want to arrive) and the means employed, such that these objectives are promoted in relation to the other forces involved in conflict, starting from the a specific moment (characterized by the structural and conjunctural analyses). In the case of CAB, we point out as a general strategy:
“The general strategy of anarchism that we defend is based on popular movements, their organization, accumulation of force, and in the application of advanced forms of struggle, aiming at revolution and libertarian socialism. This process takes place jointly with the specific anarchist organization which, acting as a catalyst/engine, acts together with the popular movements and provides the conditions of transformation. These two levels (of the popular movements and the anarchist organization) can still be complemented by a third level, that of the tendency, that adds to areas related to popular movements. The strategy of tendency [also known as the intermediate level] aims to create and participate in popular movements defending certain methodological and programmatic conceptions within it, so that they can point to an ultimate objective, which is cemented in the construction of the new society.”
That is to say, this strategy implies a long-term revolutionary process, with the protagonism of the oppressed classes, and with a high level of confrontation (at all levels, military, political, social, economic, juridical and, mainly, ideological). In an anarchist program, this needs to be discussed in more detail to characterize the general outline of this strategy. In general, in a program, it is relevant to point out a time more or less expected for this great step, that is, for the realization of these objectives.

We can still say more. The strategy corresponds to a theory of the more general and slow changes of the system and a policy of rupture directed towards its fundamental structures of domination. Placed in this category are a characterization of the system of domination, capitalism and the structures of dominant power, the hard core instituted by social-historical formation. In this context we have defined a strategy of revolutionary popular power. We postulate as its constituent elements: the protagonism of popular organizations, a new political-social articulation, the revolutionary rupture as popular insurrection. The set of elements systematically and coherently combined point to the ultimate objectives: a revolution of socialist and libertarian character that comprises a front of oppressed classes as subject of change. That’s where the objective program is going, which holds a set of measures and propositions that represent the meaning of such social restructuring.

Our permanent strategy is to build popular power through the creation (or recreation) of classist [class struggle oriented] and autonomous popular organizations and to advance step by step in their protagonism as an organized people. But simply a declaration of intention would not suffice to fulfill the task of participating and contesting the hegemony of this popular power. It is not only a question of propagating the principles but also of influencing and ensuring the functioning of these organizations. The more libertarian and socialist these organizations and movements are internally, the more chance our project will have. That is, to have a functional federalism as a mode of political management; Self-management as a mode of socio-economic production; acting in solidarity with other class organizations and movements; having internal democracy and a high degree of popular participation and waging the fight in the most advanced way for each stage of the popular struggle. In this way we will build the anarchist hegemony within the popular movements under construction and/or advancement.

Short Term Strategy

The limited time strategy is inflexible within the stipulated time and constitutes the strategy for a given time less than the time of the general strategy. It is not the general strategy because its time is more limited and it is not the tactics because it has traits more lasting and less flexible and not merely operational. It encompasses a particular stage, less than the general strategic stage and greater than the stage of a restricted set of tactics.

It is linked to more rapid changes and cannot be reduced to the field of tactics. It corresponds to the analysis of a concrete social formation in its current stage of development, in order to consider its particular conditions and possibilities. This is to find a logical answer to an earlier statement that said: “There is only one strategy, what changes in shifts of time are tactics”. Not only tactics change, but also certain aspects, or zones, of the strategy. The strategy is conceived in articulation and constant interaction with tactics.

By this category we make definitions about the character of the stage (or phase), where we gather descriptive and analytical elements that “cut” historical periods and inform our operating models of the system in its historical dynamics. The minimal program in this regard accords with the problems facing the dominant model and the accumulation of antagonistic forces to construct a libertarian alternative.

It may be that with the minimum program we have a zone of consensus with the classist sectors of the left camp, which in itself is no problem. What cannot be lacking as elements of distinction and definition are the general lines that will delineate our profile in political practice and its corresponding tasks within the plans and terms that we demarcate in the current stage. Within the broad framework of a minimum program that groups the fight against the dominant model, our strategy starts from where we are and what we are doing, to make priorities and plans for growth, form alliances and create more decisive social forces.

This is something that is part of the overall strategy, but limited to a certain field. Its possibility of change is greater than the general strategy and less than the tactics. It is general lines in a certain field of activity that feed the program of work for a certain period. For example, we have a general strategy for achieving libertarian socialism and a more narrow strategy within the field of health, which dialogues with the general strategy. Acting within the struggles of the field of health we will use various tactics.

This being our permanent strategy, we mark out a particular slice in time. That is, time frames. For the very short term (which is in exact terms of time = 2 years), and for the short term (= 4 years), where we will apply our strategy. In this shorter and more visible period of time (that is, where and when we can apply our planning), we will define central objectives, determinants of variations and changes over the long term, and appropriate decision-making autonomy by the federalist mechanism. To this shorter form of strategy we give the name that reflects the concept of the limited time strategy (applied in these restricted times).

Tactics

Tactics are flexible and endowed with autonomy and constitute an action or a set of actions of a momentary nature that have the objective to promote the limited strategy and, thus, the general strategy. They are very practical and concrete and “speak” to the day-to-day of the organization and its political practice.

It is constituted by the plan of action to be realized as goals of the organization for the short term. It operates in this historical present, from its specific problems and conflicts. It is where we point out organizational solutions and the general tactic, that is, the agreements, the concepts, the criteria of work and objectives that will express the militancy as a single political commitment during the action. Its execution and its good or bad results depend, therefore, on a global and/or solidarity view of the comrades, beyond its own place of insertion or specific task. This is the nature of a political organization. If it is not able to concentrate force on across different lines it weakens its associative pact and ends up languishing with impotent actions.

In order to go from our strategy until we reach our ultimate goal we would have to deal with intermediates of short, medium and long term that form part of the path we are building. The organization of social militancy in tendencies, for example, is something tactical that can fit or not fit within the same strategy, but once adopted it can last for years, even merely being a tactic. These actions linked to these goals, called tactics, should be in tune with the general objectives, and thus with the overall strategy. They must be executed based on the same principles, but with sufficient sensitivity to perceive their greater malleability in the sense of changing the various tactics in line with the strategic construction that will dialogue with the conjuncture in which it is inserted.

Goals and means

The tactics must be subordinated to the limited time strategy, which must be subordinated to the general strategy, which must be subordinated to the ultimate objectives.

It is not the case that “the ends that justify the means”, but rather that the ends must determine the means (strategies, tactics, etc.).

This is a coherence that we cannot toss aside. What we do today contributes to where we will arrive tomorrow.

brazil/guyana/suriname/fguiana / movimiento anarquista / comunicado de prensa Tuesday December 05, 2017 17:17 byFederación Anarquista Uruguaya

Los ataques del Estado brasileño a nuestra hermana Federación Anarquista Gaúcha han sido constantes.

Ahora, en octubre de 2017 nuevamente son atacados distintos espacios libertarios y entre ellos la FAG. Fueron allanadas la Ocupación Pandorga de Azenha y Parresía de Ciudad Baja, y la policía civil sostiene que tiene cerca de 10 locales y 30 personas investigadas por la causa armada por esta fuerza. Se acusa al "anarquismo" de distintos actos ocurridos desde 2013, actos inconexos y que sólo una causa judicial armada puede "unir".

DECLARACIÓN DE APOYO A LA FEDERACIÓN ANARQUISTA GAÚCHA

Los ataques del Estado brasileño a nuestra hermana Federación Anarquista Gaúcha han sido constantes. En octubre de 2009 su local político fue allanado y fueron secuestrados archivos y computadoras por la policía civil. Ello fue la represalia del gobierno de Yeda Crusius por la campaña de agitación que la Organización llevaba adelante reclamando justicia por el asesinato del militante Sin Tierra Elton Brum da Silva. En esta ocasión fueron procesados seis compañeros, en un proceso que luego caducó debido a la fragilidad del mismo.

En junio de 2013, en el marco de las grandes movilizaciones nacionales contra la Copa de las Confederaciones y el próximo mundial, debido a los inmensos gastos en esas obras y a la falta de presupuesto para la salud, educación y la vivienda, nuevamente la policía -ahora por orden del gobernador Tarso Genro del PT, fue allanado el Ateneo Batalha de Várzea. El jefe de la policía civil declaró que se encontró "vasta literatura anarquista". Esos libros fueron secuestrados y Tarso Genro habló de "anarco-fascismo", con el afán de descalificar al anarquismo y a las protestas que estaban sacudiendo el país. Luego, ante la vergüenza pública, parte de esos libros fueron devueltos.

En octubre de 2013, solo cuatro meses después, se produce otro allanamiento violento, en busca de organizaciones y militantes que habían animado el Bloque de Luchas. Se buscaron militantes en sus domicilios inclusive. En el marco de este proceso, seis compañeros del Bloque de Luchas de distintas filiaciones ideológicas fueron procesados por la figura de "cuadrilla y formación de milicias privadas".

Ahora, en octubre de 2017 nuevamente son atacados distintos espacios libertarios y entre ellos la FAG. Fueron allanadas la Ocupación Pandorga de Azenha y Parresía de Ciudad Baja, y la policía civil sostiene que tiene cerca de 10 locales y 30 personas investigadas por la causa armada por esta fuerza. Se acusa al "anarquismo" de distintos actos ocurridos desde 2013, actos inconexos y que sólo una causa judicial armada puede "unir".

En momentos en que está al frente del Estado brasileño la derecha más rancia, golpista y que lleva al extremo los postulados del neoliberalismo, rebajando derechos y eliminando caras conquistas del movimiento popular, se persigue a los que luchan y a los que organizan al pueblo por abajo. El anarquismo hoy en Brasil es una fuerza política y social a tener en cuenta para la burguesía y los sectores pro-golpistas, por ello la persecución que hoy se lleva a cabo. Hasta programas televisivos de alcance nacional de los grandes medios como Globo están en el armado de la causa contra el anarquismo y nuestra Organización hermana.

Es claro: cuando los de abajo se movilizan fuerte, las clases dominantes salen a reprimir, a criminalizar, a intentar frenar las luchas. Vasta experiencia en ese sentido tenemos en nuestra América Latina, donde la burguesía no trepidó en imponer grotescas e infames dictaduras militares para masacrar a nuestros pueblos.

Para los anarquistas nuestra razón de ser es la lucha popular organizada. Por lo tanto, no hay represiones que nos amilanen. También en este sentido, el anarquismo ha sufrido históricamente persecuciones y represiones: recordemos solamente a los Mártires de Chicago, aquellos "criminales" que luchaban por las 8 horas, conquista obtenida por toda la clase obrera a lo largo de importantes luchas a nivel del planeta. O recordemos a Sacco y Vanzetti o nuestros compañeros desaparecidos y asesinados en el marco del Plan Cóndor como Telba Juárez, Eduardo Chizzola, Gerardo Gatti y León Duarte, lo mismo que los hermanos Tello de Resistencia Libertaria de Argentina, entre tantos otros compañeros.

El anarquismo es propuesta y acción. Es propuesta de lucha, de organización, propuesta de un ordenamiento social diferente donde el hombre no sea lobo del hombre y es acción concreta para alcanzar esos objetivos.

Nuestra corriente, el Especifismo, que propugna un anarquismo organizado políticamente y con fuerte inserción social, empuja un proceso de emancipación de los de abajo, por una sociedad justa, igualitaria y libertaria. Por lo tanto, nuestra lucha no va a cejar y extendemos a nuestra Organización hermana de la FAG nuestros brazos para ayudar en la lucha y dar ánimos y fuerzas contra la represión y para forjar un camino propio para los de abajo.

NO ESTÁ MUERTO QUIEN PELEA!!

BASTA DE IMPUNIDAD DEL ESTADO BRASILEÑO Y DE LA REACCIÓN BURGUESA!!

FUERA TEMER Y TODOS LOS QUE ATACAN LOS DERECHOS DEL PUEBLO!!

PORQUE EL INTERNACIONALISMO NO ES MERA PALABRA

A REDOBLAR LA LUCHA POR CONSTRUIR UN PUEBLO FUERTE!!

TODA LA SOLIDARIDAD CON LA FAG!!

POR EL SOCIALISMO Y LIBERTAD

ARRIBA LOS QUE LUCHAN!!!

FEDERACIÓN ANARQUISTA URUGUAYA
brazil/guyana/suriname/fguiana / represión / presos / opinión / análisis Monday November 20, 2017 00:42 byJosé Luis Carretero Miramar

La situación social y política en Brasil es cada vez más comprometida. Desde la llegada al gobierno de Michel Temer mediante un golpe institucional y palaciego, la deriva neoliberal, en lo económico, y fascistizante, en lo relacionado con los derechos civiles, del gobierno del principal representante de los BRICS en América Latina, es cada vez más acusada. El gigante emergente ha iniciado un proceso cada vez más autoritario de enfrentamiento con los movimiento sociales al hilo del despliegue de toda una barahúnda de medidas de ajuste y reformas flexibilizadoras de la regulación laboral y de pensiones. El movimiento libertario, de hecho, ha sufrido también sus zarpazos.

El hombre clave en las “tareas del gobierno Temer” es H. Meirelles, ministro de economía, que mantiene una política agresivamente neoliberal : sin reforma de las jubilaciones no se puede cumplir con la Enmienda Constitucional 95 aprobada hace un año (que limita el aumento del gasto público por 20 años); sin nuevas privatizaciones y externalizaciones (que empezarían en breve con Electrobras) no habrá beneficios ampliados para las élites; sin desregulación de las actividades extractivas no aumentará la inversión (y de ahí la normativa en ciernes para habilitar la explotación minera en un área estratégica de la Amazonia); sin reforma laboral no se engrasarán las tuberías de un mercado laboral basado en la hiperexplotación y la flexibilidad (una reforma que se plantea, incluso, modificar el significado legal del trabajo esclavo). Todo un recetario de ajuste neoliberal duro para la principal economía de América Latina.

Además, desde el punto de vista geoestratégico, la línea del nuevo gobierno brasileño es, también clara: subordinación frente a los intereses económicos y militares de Estados Unidos, y voluntad expresa de convertirse en plataforma militar de la agresividad imperialista del gigante del Norte, con preocupantes efectos sobre el equilibrio político en países vecinos como Venezuela. De hecho, del 6 al 12 de noviembre se ha llevado a cabo un ejercicio militar conjunto auspiciado por las Fuerzas Armadas brasileñas en la triple frontera entre Brasil, Colombia y Perú con la participación de Estados Unidos. El ejercicio se ha llamado “Operación América Unida” o “Amazonlog 17”.

Por primera vez en décadas, se ha instalado una base militar internacional temporal en la ciudad de Tabatinga (Amazonas, Brasil) fronteriza con Colombia y Perú. El ejercicio ha tenido el objetivo “oficial” de prepararse para una situación de “carácter humanitario”. El trasfondo de la participación militar estadounidense en estas maniobras, queda más claro si atendemos a las palabras del Comandante del Comando Sur de Estados Unidos, Kurt Tidd, en su informe ante el Congreso estadounidense en este mismo año : “La creciente crisis humanitaria en Venezuela puede obligar a una respuesta regional”.

Todas estas derivas, por supuesto, se han visto acompañadas de un aumento drástico de la represión sobre los movimientos sociales y de la expansión de las organizaciones y de la influencia pública de la extrema derecha. Declaraciones de diputados, como Bolsonaro, reivindicando la última dictadura militar y la tortura; acciones violentas de grupos, como el Movimiento Brasil Livre (MBL), impidiendo el desarrollo actividades artísticas (como en el Santander Cultural de Porto Alegre); los generalizados discursos criminalizadores, sexistas, conservadores, antipopulares y racistas realizados por personalidades públicas o por organizaciones como Vem para Rua, Aliança Brasil, etc.

Este proceso, por supuesto, ha sido respondido con decisión por los movimientos sociales brasileños, mediante movilizaciones masivas y con la extensión de la actividad de organizaciones de pobladores, campesinos sin tierra, trabajadores precarios, mujeres y excluidos de todo tipo. Es en el marco de este contexto que las agresiones contra el movimiento libertario y el resto de los movimientos populares por parte de un poder estatal plenamente deslegitimado y crecientemente autoritario, se han sucedido con una enorme intensidad. Los casos paradigmáticos de esta represión se precipitan a una enorme velocidad, como la incriminación de 18 estudiantes y un profesor en el Estado de Goiás (que acabó finalmente con un acuerdo ante el juzgado) por su participación en la ocupación de la Secretaría de Educación, Cultura y Deporte (Seduce) y de al menos 27 escuelas de este Estado brasileño en una oleada de luchas estudiantiles contra el cierre de centros de enseñanza, entre diciembre de 2015 y enero de 2016.

Pero la agresión más grave contra el movimiento libertario en Brasil se produjo el 25 de octubre de este mismo año, cuando la policía de Rio Grande do Sul inició una investigación conocida como Operación Erebus, cuyo objetico principal era criminalizar a la Federación Anarquista Gaucha (FAG), una organización popular de larga trayectoria en el Sur de Brasil .

En el marco de esta operación, la sede de la FAG fue registrada, así como el espacio cultural Parhesia y la ocupación urbana Pandorga. Se confiscaron ordenadores, USB y HDs , así como garrafas de plástico que la policía afirma que se iban a utilizar para confeccionar explosivos caseros. También se confiscaron libros y materiales de teoría y propaganda anarquista, cosa que incluso la justicia prohibió, sin que la policía hiciera caso. Treinta activistas fueron acusados, en medio de una gigantesca campaña criminalizadora en la que la Rede Globo, el principal grupo mediático brasileño, en su programa estrella “El Fantástico”, presentaba de forma descontextualizada a la militancia de la FAG, mientras supuestos expertos debatían sobre los tipos penales que cabría teóricamente aplicar; y la cadena televisiva SBT calificaba de “neonazis” a un grupo declaradamente anarquista que ha trabajado durante décadas con los sectores más excluidos y discriminados racialmente de la sociedad.

Mientras tanto, los movimientos populares de Rio Grande do Sul, denuncian que la constitución de proto-milicias fascistas y el aumento de los crímenes de odio se desarrollan impunemente en el Estado. Reuniéndose en grupos de apoyo al diputado Bolsonaro, los militantes de la extrema derecha muestran una gran actividad en las redes sociales, enseñando armas de fuego y animando a los " Ciudadanos de bien" a atacar a los "izquierdistas”. De hecho, en una movilización de los funcionarios municipales de Porto Alegre (capital de Rio Grande do Sul) un profesor fue golpeado con un bate retráctil por un matón de un youtuber, supuestamente vinculado al MBL, organización que al día siguiente fue recibida con gran cordialidad por el alcalde. También, en la universidad, fue atacada una actividad académica relativa al centenario de la Revolución Rusa, al grito de “¡intervención militar, ya!”

Podríamos seguir, en esta narración de la fascistización creciente del ejercicio del poder por parte de la clase dirigente brasileña ligada a las fuerzas que sostienen el gobierno de Michel Temer. Las tensiones sociales se acumulan en Brasil, principal economía de América Latina y uno de los países emergentes con más potencialidad estratégica. En palabras de Emir Sader, Brasil constituye hoy en día, ante la falta de legitimidad del gobierno neoliberal y la creciente actividad de los movimientos sociales, el eslabón débil de la cadena neoliberal en América Latina. El proceso de derechización del continente, tras victorias electorales como la de Mauricio Macri en Argentina, o golpes palaciegos como el desarrollado en el país carioca, aún puede detenerse y revertirse por la movilización de los organismos populares que, por ello, están siendo objeto de una acrecentada represión. La solidaridad y el apoyo mutuo son bienes de ida y vuelta, la cadena de ternura y amistad que recorre y hace fuerte el hilo rojo de la rebeldía que se extiende a través del mundo. Tirar de ese hilo, alimentarlo, apoyar a quienes construyen el mañana, es también trabajar por nuestro horizonte más preciado.

Nous avons appris que le 25 octobre, une grande opération de police appelée « Erèbe » (Érebo en portugais, le nom du dieu grec des ténèbres) a été lancé contre le mouvement anti-autoritaire.
La police civile a envahi au moins 4 lieux libertaires et prétend avoir des mandats contre une douzaine de lieux et environ 30 personnes. Ils ont perquisitionné le squat Pandorga et les locaux de Parrhesia, ainsi que l’espace politique et culturel de l’Athénée Libertaire Batalha da Várzea, qui était connu pour être les locaux officiels de la FAG (ce n’est plus le cas). La Fédération Anarchiste Gaúcha (FAG) est particulièrement ciblée par cette opération : elle est considérée par la police, toujours aussi stupide, comme le cerveau du mouvement anarchiste à Porto Alegre. Les camarades sont accusé-e-s d’association de malfaiteurs dans l’objectif de commettre des dépradations contre des propriétés publiques et privées.

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Il convient de rappeler que ce n’est pas la première fois qu’une telle occupation a lieu. En réalité, c’est la 4ème fois en moins de 10 ans que la FAG est ciblée par la police et l’État de Rio Grande do Sul (RS, Brésil). En Octobre 2009, alors que la FAG menait une campagne sur le crime policier d’Elton Brum, plusieurs policiers en civil avaient pénétré le bâtiment sans mandat et déclaré qu’il y avait trouvé… de la propagande anarchiste ! En 2013, la police avait envahi à deux reprises, en juin et en octobre, l’Athénée Libertaire Batalha da Várzea pour saisir ou détruire les meubles, les ordinateurs et les documents. A ce moment là, d’autres locaux de la gauche politique et sociale et des domiciles individuels avaient également été perquisitionnés en tant que membres du Bloco de Luta.

Aujourd’hui, cette opération a lieu alors que l’État de Rio Grande do Sul et la municipalité de Porto Alegre font face à des mouvements de grèves puissants et déterminés, de la part des travailleuses et travailleurs de l’éducation et de la municipalité. Dans le même temps, le gouvernement de Temer est englué dans des affaires de corruption. La FAG prend part dans les luttes en cours à Porto Alegre en tant que groupe militant et comme travailleuses et travailleurs de ces secteurs, avec leurs idées et leurs pratiques libertaires.

L’opération de police Érebo entend criminaliser les mouvements sociaux et en particulier la FAG et l’idéologie anarchiste sociale qu’elle défend. Elle ambitionne de désarmer les luttes et les syndicats qui utilisent l’action directe pour défendre leurs conditions de vie contre les mesures d’austérité et le système capitaliste, contre le colonialisme, le racisme et le patriarcat.

Mais il est impossible d’effacer des idées qui ont été le coeur vivant du mouvement ouvrier pour des décennies, il est impossible d’effacer la révolte pour la liberté, l’indépendance de classe, la démocratie directe et le pouvoir populaire !


Bas les pattes des gens en lutte !
Solidarité avec la Fédération Anarchiste Gaúcha (FAG), la Coordination Anarchiste Brésilienne (CAB) et le mouvement anarchiste à Porto Alegre et dans tout le Brésil !
Solidarité avec les grèves de l’éducation et de la municipalité de Porto Alegre dans l’État de Rio Grande do Sul !
Pour le socialisme et la liberté !


Le Réseau Anarkismo et ses organisations :
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group - Melbourne, Australie
Alternative Libertaire - France
Alternativa Libertaria - Italie
Coordination des Groupes Anarchistes - France
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire - Suisse
Workers Solidarity Movement - Irlande
Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front - Afrique du Sud

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