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iberia / miscellaneous / opinión / análisis Monday November 20, 2017 00:54 byAzadi

Mucho se ha hablado en los últimos años de la lucha del pueblo kurdo y el modelo de sociedad que están construyendo en Rojava. No hace mucho tuvieron en lugar en Bilbao las segundas Jornadas Internacionales de Ecología Social, donde, entre otras cosas, se abordaron otras experiencias prácticas que tienen cierta similitud: Luchas por la defensa del territorio en el bosque de Hambach y Euskal Herria, el neo-zapatismo chiapaneco,... El confederalismo democrático kurdo no es sólo una bella y lejana idea, sino una fuente de inspiración. En esa línea la plataforma catalana Azadî de solidaridad con el pueblo kurdo ha realizado una interesante propuesta de organización para los Comités de Defensa de la República [CDRs].

Recordamos que los Comités de Defensa de la República son grupos surgidos en Cataluña en 2017 con el objetivo inicial de facilitar la realización del referéndum de independencia del 1 de octubre. Tras el referéndum, adoptaron el nuevo objetivo de luchar por el cumplimiento de su resultado y la proclamación de la república catalana. Se basan en asambleas abiertas y realizaron su primera reunión de coordinación el 15 de octubre en Sabadell, a la que asistieron delegaciones de más de 100 CDRs. La cuarta reunión de coordinación tuvo lugar el 4 de noviembre en Manlleu donde representantes de 172 comités de los más de 250 existentes a día de hoy [ver mapa] decidieron cambiar su denominación por de Defensa de la República [hasta entonces habían sido de Defensa del Referéndum] y dieron por concluído el proceso de creación de la coordinadora nacional [@CDRCatOficial en Twitter]. A los 4 días tuvo lugar la huelga del 8N en la que participaron activamente.

Sin entrar a valorar aquí el procés, o la participación de las libertarias en él, reproducimos a continuación la propuesta, que no deja de ser las típicas asambleas de delegadas revocables en las que se basan los comités y los consejos obreros, pero incorporando algunas de las herramientas que han utilizado en Kurdistán para una mejor integración de las distintas sensibilidades.


¿Como combinar agilidad y horizontalidad en la toma de decisiones?

Esta es una pregunta que ahora mismo se deben de estar haciendo muchos CDRs (Comités de Defensa del Referéndum) en todo Cataluña, dado que se está debatiendo el modelo de estructura coordinadora entre estas entidades arraigadas a los barrios y pueblos.

Puede resultar complicado encontrar un equilibrio entre agilidad y horizontalidad para superar los peligros de acumulación de poder que tendría una estructura donde el vínculo entre el ámbito municipal y el ámbito supra-municipal se hiciera mediante representantes escogidos por cada CDR, y de inoperatividad, si el vínculo se hiciera a través de portavoces que no pueden tomar nunca ningún tipo de decisión sin antes volverlo a bajar a su CDR. El debate que hay detrás es profundo y puede estancarse o provocar divisiones o exclusiones dentro de los CDRs.

El modelo de Rojava, en el Kurdistán Sirio

Actualmente en Rojava y desde hace 5 años, más de 3 millones de personas se organizan a través de un sistema que encuentra una solución (imperfecta, evidentemente, pero fértil) a este debate: el Confederalismo Democrático[1]. Este modelo es complejo y afecta a todos los ámbitos de la sociedad, pero parte de la idea principal que la sociedad se tiene que organizar de «abajo» hacia «arriba», es decir partiendo del ámbito local:

Cada barrio/pueblo se reúne periódicamente en un comité vecinal abierto a todos los vecinos y vecinas.

A través de este comité se designan 2 co-delegados, que tienen que ser dos personas que se ofrezcan y el máximo de diferentes posible (diferente género, diferente etnia, diferente edad…), pues precisamente su trabajo es recoger el sentir general, complejo y diverso, del barrio o pueblo.

Estos co-delegados acuden periódicamente a las reuniones de ámbito territorial más amplio (ciudades, sub-comarcas…), en las cuales trasladan las decisiones y propuestas de su barrio/pueblo que afectan el ámbito territorial más amplio, y también pueden tomar decisiones sobre temas de urgencia que surjan… PERO: estas decisiones posteriormente son revocables en todo momento por parte de los vecinos y vecinas de su barrio/pueblo, que además pueden acordar también en cualquier momento sustituir las personas co-delegadas si consideran que estas no hacen bien su trabajo.

Si no han sido revocados antes, pasado un cierto tiempo (6 meses, un año, dos años…) y acordado por el comité, se escogerán nuevos co-delegados, para establecer una rotatividad que fomente la implicación de más personas y evite ciertas dinámicas de concentración de poder en algunos co-delegados.

Para ir al ámbito territorial todavía más amplio (ciudades grandes, regiones…), a la vez se designan análogamente dos co-delegados.

Para acabar, es muy importante el principio de subsidiariedad, que dice que toda decisión se tiene que tomar al nivel más local posible, de forma que la inmensa mayoría de las decisiones se toma al nivel más local, y sólo unas pocas van a los niveles confederales más elevados.

El contexto catalán

Pensamos que, más allá de si podríamos copiar el modelo del Confederalismo Democrático (u otro) en nuestro contexto actual (que es diferente y particular), aplicar ciertos aspectos como el modelo basado en co-delegados, que permite una mucho mayor integración de la diversidad, puede dar mucha fuerza organizativa a los CDRs.

Lluís Maria Xirinacs[2] ya propuso un modelo de organización social comunal para los Países Catalanes, basado en agrupaciones de asambleas confederadas siguiendo los principios que se presentan en este documento, en el marco de una Confederación Ibérica y mundial de pueblos libres.

Por otra parte, la iniciativa Proceso Constituyente[3] también plasmó propuestas parecidas a las que hizo Xirinacs, a través de su sectorial de “Democracia participativa”.

Propuesta de sistema de co-delegadas

A continuación se presenta una propuesta de funcionamiento confederal con co-delegadas, inspirado en los ejemplos antes mencionados:


Elección

Cada asamblea designa dos personas como co-delegadas, que tendrán que representar la máxima diversidad, es decir, tendrán que pertenecer a un género, etnia y/o rango de edad diferente, pues precisamente su trabajo es recoger el sentir general, complejo y diverso, de cada barrio o pueblo.

Las co-delegadas pueden ser escogidas entre personas voluntarias para asumir la función o por sorteo. Idealmente, una persona voluntaria y otra por sorteo para no perder la representatividad estadística y al mismo tiempo, no correr el riesgo de carencia de gente conocedora del tema y/o motivada.

Atribuciones

Los co-delegados tendrán otorgado un cierto grado de autonomía para poder deliberar y votar decisiones. En ningún caso habrá privilegios ni existirán cargos sino únicamente responsabilidades. Cada asamblea tiene atribuciones para tomar decisiones políticas en función del principio de subsidiariedad.

Renovación y rotación

Los co-delegados escogidos serán renovados según la temporalidad estipulada (6 meses, 1 año, etc.), para establecer una rotativitad que fomente la implicación de más personas y evite ciertas dinámicas de concentración de poder en algunos co-delegados.

La renovación se puede dar de manera escalonada, es decir, al final del mandato se renueva uno de los co-delegados y a medio mandato de este se renueva el otro, garantizando así una óptima transmisión de las funciones atribuidas por la asamblea.

Revocación

Cada asamblea puede revocar, por votación favorable de una amplía mayoría (que se tiene que definir), cualquiera de los niveles asamblearios de la agrupación superior (tanto sus portavoces como las decisiones que tomen). Este mecanismo sirve para tomar acciones urgentes y ser ágiles en la toma de decisiones.

El principio de subsidiariedad

La subsidiariedad es un principio organizativo muy poderoso, puesto que permite determinar en qué nivel de agrupación se tiene que tomar cada decisión en los colectivos humanos, de forma que se llegue a un equilibrio óptimo entre libertad individual y respeto por los demás. Es decir, cada nivel de agrupación asambleario decide sobre temas que afectan exclusivamente a su gente; en caso contrario el tema se resuelve en el nivel de agrupación superior que alcance todo el territorio afectado por el tema en cuestión.

Agrupaciones territoriales confederadas[4]

Las asambleas de los comités pueden agruparse por criterio de pertenencia a una misma región, comarca y/o por proximidad territorial, hasta un máximo de 25 asambleas por agrupación y un mínimo de 5. Teniendo en cuenta número de comités actual (superior a 100) y la distribución territorial de los mismos (ver mapa), una distribución orientativa de las agrupaciones podría ser esta:

  • Norte-montaña (unos 12 comités)
  • Girona (unos 8 comités)
  • Occidental-centro (unos 20 comités)
  • Barcelona (unos 20 comités)
  • Llobregat (unos 12 comités)
  • Maresme (unos 10 comités)
  • Vallés Oriental (12-15 comités)
  • Sur (unos 12 comités)

    Partiendo de este escenario, pueden haber diferentes maneras de articular un siguiente nivel de agrupación. Por ejemplo: cada una de las 8 agrupaciones de segundo nivel escogería 2 co-delegados (16 en total), que se encontrarían en una agrupación de tercer nivel, dando alcance a todo el territorio catalán. Cada agrupación podría traer un 3er co-delegado que de manera rotatoria podría hacer la función de observador y apoyar a los otros dos co-delegados (haciendo un total de 24 miembros). En todo caso, se podrían aplicar diferentes fórmulas para dotar de la máxima solidez a la coordinación.

    Esperamos que esta propuesta pueda tener buena acogida a los CDRs y nos ayude a encontrar el equilibrio entre agilidad y horizontalidad.

    Azadî – Plataforma en solidaridad con el pueblo kurdo


    Aclaraciones después del encuentro catalán de CDRs en Igualada el 21 de octubre:

    Esta es una propuesta que busca generar un marco organizado de partida, desde donde ir definiendo la coordinación de los CDRs. Por lo tanto, es abierta a modificaciones de todo tipo en un futuro, y perfectamente compatible con:

  • Que las funciones del 3r nivel confederal (nivel “catalán” o “nacional”) se limiten provisionalmente (por ejemplo que la coordinación a nivel catalán de momento sólo sea comunicativa, técnica y de cara a movilizaciones)
  • Que los CDRs se centren en el trabajo local (de hecho es lo que dice el principio de subsidiariedad)
  • Que se constituyan (o no) comisiones o grupos de trabajo sectoriales a nivel catalán.

    Por otro lado, la propuesta que hacemos de Agrupaciones Territoriales es completamente orientativa y a modo de ejemplo. Evidentemente, lo que tiene sentido es que sean los CDRs de cada localidad los que decidan con quienes se quieren agrupar. De todos modos, posteriormente las Agrupaciones que salgan tendrían que recoger más o menos el mismo número de CDRs (o del mismo orden de magnitud). Si esto no se cumpliera y, por ejemplo, la Agrupación de Barcelona Ciutat reuniera 25 comités mientras que la Agrupación de una comarca determinada reuniera sólo 2 o 3, tendríamos que encontrar mecanismos para equilibrarlo. Por eso decimos que haría falta que no hubieran Agrupaciones Territoriales de menos de 5 CDRs.


    [1].Vídeo-entrevista a Dilar Dirik explicando el Confederalismo Democrático (Vilaweb).
    [2].Comunidad humana. Manifiesto de Germanies (2000)
    [3].http://www.procesconstituent.cat
    [4]. El modelo de agrupaciones se ha inspirado en el documento “DEMOCRACIA INCLUSIVA Y OTRAS FORMAS AVANZADAS” que sirvió para definir la sectorial de Democracia Participativa de Proceso Constituyente. De ahí se han sacado parte de los contenidos, así como el gráfico que lo ilustra.

  • ibérie / divers / communiqué de presse Wednesday November 08, 2017 01:13 bySeveral Organizations

    Communiqué conjoint entre la CNT-e, la CGT-e et Solidaridad Obrera

    featured image

    Nous, organisations signataires, partageons l’inquiétude quant à la situation en Catalogne, la répression déchaînée par l’État, la perte de droits et de libertés que cela suppose et va supposer et la montée d’un vieux nationalisme qui apparaît de nouveau dans une grande partie de l’État espagnol.

    Nous défendons l’émancipation de tous les travailleurs et travailleuses de Catalogne et du monde entier. Peut-être, dans ce contexte, convient-il de rappeler que nous ne comprenons pas le droit à l’autodétermination comme le comprennent les partis et les organisations nationalistes mais pour nous il s’agit du droit à l’autogestion sur un territoire déterminé.

    Entendu de cette manière, l’autodétermination passe plus par le contrôle de la production et de la consommation par les travailleurs et les travailleuses, pour une démocratie directe de bas en haut, organisée selon les principes fédéralistes, que par l’établissement d’une nouvelle frontière ou la création d’un nouvel État. En tant qu’internationalistes, nous pensons que la solidarité entre les travailleurs et les travailleuses ne doit pas être limitée aux frontières de l’État, c’est pourquoi il nous importe peu où elles se situent.

    Ce qui nous paraît vraiment préoccupant c’est la réaction dans le reste de l’État ; l’exaltation d’un "espagnolisme" rance, qui rappelle des temps passés, encouragé par les médias et en accord avec la dérive autoritaire du gouvernement, est patent depuis l’incarcération de personnes pour avoir prôné des actes de désobéissance ou l’application de l’article 155 de la Constitution.

    Il ne nous échappe pas que ce surgissement nationaliste assoie les bases de prochaines limitations de droits et de libertés, contre lesquelles nous devons nous prémunir. La vibrante unité des soi-disant « forces démocratiques » pour justifier la répression, augure d’un horizon sombre pour toutes les futures dissidences. Il semblerait que le régime post-franquiste qui nous gouverne depuis 40 ans, serre les rangs pour assurer sa continuité.

    Ce régime, qui a existé et qui existe en Catalogne comme dans le reste de l’État espagnol, sent que sa propre survivance est en jeu. Amplement remis en question et soumis à une profonde crise de légitimité, il observe, alarmé, le nombre grandissant de fronts ouverts. A la menace sur l’intégrité territoriale de l’État s’ajoutent les scandales de la corruption, la perte de prestige de la monarchie, la remise en cause des restrictions appliquées à la population, le mécontentement que provoque l’esclavagisme dans le travail dû aux dernières réformes du travail, l’allongement de l’âge du départ à la retraite, la baisse des pensions, etc... Les constants appels pour défendre la constitution doivent être compris comme le tocsin pour interrompre cette véritable crise existentielle qui l’assaille. Le danger est que dans ce processus les comportements répressifs – comme ceux qui se sont déroulés récemment dans plusieurs villes catalanes - deviennent la norme. Ou des comportements pires encore.

    Évidemment nous ne savons pas dans quel sens vont aller les événements. Nous resterons attentif et attentives à ce qui se passe, disposées à défendre les intérêts des travailleurs et des travailleuses partout dans l’État. Nous nous opposerons de toutes nos forces à la répression et à la normalisation des attitudes ultra droitières, qu’on sent déjà. Bien sûr, nous ne nous laisserons pas non plus manipuler par les stratégies des partis politiques dont les objectifs nous sont étrangers. En même temps, nous ne cesserons pas d’appuyer les mobilisations de la classe laborieuse quand elle le décidera, enfin c’est le moment de se défaire du dictât des élites politiques et économiques qui depuis trop de temps œuvrent au contrôle du territoire pour servir, exclusivement, ses propres intérêts.

    En tant qu’organisations syndicales de classe, libertaires et combatives, nous serons dans la rue, dans les mobilisations, comme nous l’avons fait dans beaucoup d’autres occasions, contre la répression, les restrictions des droits et des libertés et contre la corruption.

    Il se peut que la crise de la Catalogne soit le coup de grâce d’un modèle d’État qui agonise. Que ce changement se résolve dans un sens ou dans un autre dépendra de notre capacité, en tant que classe, à porter le processus dans la direction opposée à la répression et à l’essor des nationalismes. Ayons confiance dans notre capacité à parvenir à ce que le résultat final soit plus de libertés et de droits et non le contraire. Nous jouons gros.

    POUR LES DROITS ET LES LIBERTÉS !
    CONTRE LA RÉPRESSION DES CLASSES LABORIEUSES !


    Traduction : Christine Gaillard, repostée depuis le Serpent Libertaire
    southern africa / miscellaneous / opinion / analysis Tuesday November 07, 2017 23:19 byNkululeko Khubisa

    South Africa is in a mess. That is clear, more than 20 years since the end of apartheid. We have won many things. It was our struggle that beat apartheid laws and the old government. But we are not free yet. Corruption, poverty, job losses, hatred, violence, the apartheid legacy are all part of the mess.

    What is the way forward for South Africa? It is struggle by the masses of the people for a better society.

    What does that require?


    Published in “Tokologo: Newsletter of the Tokologo African Anarchist Collective”, numbers 7/8, November 2017

    South Africa is in a mess. That is clear, more than 20 years since the end of apartheid. We have won many things. It was our struggle that beat apartheid laws and the old government. But we are not free yet. Corruption, poverty, job losses, hatred, violence, the apartheid legacy are all part of the mess.

    What is the way forward for South Africa? It is struggle by the masses of the people for a better society.

    What does that require?

    EDUCATE!
    The way forward is unity and solidarity, but that means we need knowledge. People need to be mobilised and taught about politics – real politics, not the party system – and this process needs to take place at all levels.

    If everybody among the working class and poor could be informed and alert, and brought to the knowledge about what is really happening around them, and why, and how to fix it, they will want to take action. And that action will be directed into the right channels, not wasted-and not captured by the politicians and bosses.

    People need to know the most important concepts, which include “capitalism,” the “state,” the “ruling class,” “imperialism” and the centrality of the working “class struggle.” Knowing these will allow us to identify the real enemy. Knowledge is a tool to use against the oppressor. We need to understand how best we can fight back.

    THE ENEMY
    Capitalism is a system that is based on using money, paying workers wages to produce things (like food, clothes) or services (like cleaning), which are sold by the employers (bosses) to make more money: in other words, profit. The profit comes from the workers putting in more work than they get paid.

    Capitalism puts profit first before needs, it is wasteful and unstable. That is why we have a crisis today, with jobs scarce. Capitalist organisations include private firms like Lonmin (mining), and government firms like ESKOM (electricity), run by private or government bosses.

    The state – the government – is also caught in the cookie jar of capitalism. The people at the top of the state include politicians, MPs, top officials, department heads, mayors, municipal managers, directors, generals, government bosses and so on. These people (state managers and government bosses) have power, privileges and control over a lot of production, administration, tax, and weapons, The means of production (factories, equipment, raw materials) controlled or influenced by the state is not means held directly by the government (like railways, or ESKOM). It also includes means outside government, influenced by large share percentages in private firms (government shares in Lonmin), partnerships (TELKOM), contracting (RDP house building), and laws.

    The state supports capitalism since it’s beneficial to it and because the state and capitalism work together. The state pretends to be neutral while it’s not. States can’t bring liberation, they oppress the working class and poor. The bosses and the state managers form the ruling class of a country.

    Imperialism is a system in which the ruling class of one country expands to control other areas and countries, sometimes directly (through invasions and force) or more hidden (through unfair trade, agreements, pressure and so on). Local ruling classes may collaborate with, or resist, imperialism-but they are always oppressors too.

    RULING CLASS VS WORKING CLASS
    The class that is against the ruling class, against exploitation, poverty, authoritarianism, shortages, high prices, divisions and hatred among the masses is the working class.

    Working class struggle is the only way to overthrow capitalism and the state. The working class includes all people who do NOT own or control the means of production, or the administrative power and violence means of the state. It includes the poor and unemployed, and it is worldwide.

    We are kept back because we are not informed. The truth is hidden by the system. We also need to know that a key part of capitalism and the state to divide and rule us, the working class majority. This is done through xenophobia, parties, unemployment, job insecurity, racism, sexism, the way the workplace works etc.

    But if we can fight against these factors and become united and determined, we can overthrow the system of oppression, and cut loose from its chains. Then we can build a new world.

    MOBILISATION, SELF-MANAGEMENT
    Our way forward is through anarchism. We have to build organisations that possess the characteristics of empowering working class communities, co-operation ad mobilisation, self-management, and class independence – and have a strategy (plan of action). This is mass anarchism. This strategy focuses on mass organisation of the working class as the path to revolution and a new society. This means developing knowledge from grass-root levels, winning the masses to anarchist ideas, using direct democracy, councils, delegates. We need to also unite anarchists into “specific” political organisations to work among the masses.

    We need to destroy top-down discussion and decision-making, the rule of the elites, the system that oppresses and exploits. Let us replace thus with real people’s power. Unity and solidarity what we need.

    Forward with anarchism!!!!

    Ιβηρική / Διάφορα / Ανακοίνωση Τύπου Saturday November 04, 2017 17:25 byCGT, CNT, Solidaridad Obrera

    «Δεν καταλαβαίνουμε το δικαίωμα της αυτοδιάθεσης όπως γίνεται αντιληπτό από τα κόμματα και τις εθνικιστικές οργανώσεις, αλλά ως το δικαίωμα της αυτοδιαχείρισης της τάξης μας, σε μια δεδομένη περιοχή. [...] Είναι πιθανό η κρίση στην Καταλονία να είναι το πραξικόπημα για ένα κρατικό μοντέλο που πεθαίνει. Το πού η αλλαγή αυτή κατευθύνεται με τον ένα ή τον άλλο τρόπο εξαρτάται από την ικανότητά μας, ως τάξη, να στρέψουμε αυτή τη διαδικασία προς την αντίθετη κατεύθυνση από την καταστολή και την άνοδο του εθνικισμού».

    Καταλονία: Κοινή ανακοίνωση της CGT, της CNT και της Solidaridad Obrera

    Οι υπογράφουσες οργανώσεις, που είναι ενεργές στο εθνικό έδαφος, συμμερίζονται την ίδια ανησυχία για την κατάσταση στην Καταλονία, την καταπίεση που ασκεί το κράτος, την απώλεια δικαιωμάτων και ελευθεριών που αυτό περιστέλλει και θα συνεχίσει να περιστέλλει και την άνοδο ενός εθνικισμού που εμφανίζεται και πάλι σε μεγάλο μέρος του κράτους.

    Υποστηρίζουμε την απελευθέρωση, στην Καταλονία και παγκοσμίως, όλων εκείνων που εργάζονται.Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο, ίσως πρέπει να υπενθυμίσουμε ότι δεν καταλαβαίνουμε το δικαίωμα της αυτοδιάθεσης όπως γίνεται αντιληπτό από τα κόμματα και τις εθνικιστικές οργανώσεις, αλλά ως το δικαίωμα της αυτοδιαχείρισης της τάξης μας, σε μια δεδομένη περιοχή.
    Με αυτό τον τρόπο, ο αυτοπροσδιορισμός περνάει περισσότερο μέσω του ελέγχου της παραγωγής και της κατανάλωσης από τους εργαζόμενους και μέσω μιας άμεσης δημοκρατίας που καθορίζεται σύμφωνα με τις αρχές του ομοσπονδιακού κράτους, από την ίδρυση ενός νέου συνόρου ή τη δημιουργία ενός νέου κράτους.

    Ως διεθνιστές πιστεύουμε ότι η αλληλεγγύη μεταξύ των εργαζομένων δεν πρέπει να περιορίζεται στα σύνορα ενός κράτους, γι 'αυτό δεν έχει σημασία για μας πού βρίσκονται αυτά τα σύνορα.Αυτό που φαίνεται πραγματικά ανησυχητικό είναι η αντίδραση που βιώνει το υπόλοιπο κράτος, με την εξύμνηση ενός ταραγμένου «ισπανισμού», που θυμίζει το παρελθόν και ενθαρρύνεται από τα μέσα μαζικής ενημέρωσης και σύμφωνα με την αυταρχική απόκλιση της κυβέρνησης, από τη φυλάκιση προσώπων που έκαναν πράξεις ανυπακοής ή με την εφαρμογή του άρθρου 155 του Συντάγματος.Δεν μας ξεφεύγει το γεγονός ότι αυτή η εθνικιστική ώθηση θέτει τα θεμέλια για μελλοντικούς περιορισμούς των δικαιωμάτων και των ελευθεριών, έναντι των οποίων πρέπει να φρουρούμε τον εαυτό μας.Η επαίσχυντη ενότητα των αποκαλούμενων «δημοκρατικών δυνάμεων» στην δικαιολόγηση της καταστολής ανακοινώνει ένα σκοτεινό πανόραμα για όλους τους μελλοντικούς αντιφρονούντες.Φαίνεται ότι το καθεστώς μετά το Φράνκο, το οποίο μας κυβερνά ήδη σαράντα χρόνια,συσπειρώνει τις τάξεις του για να εξασφαλίσει τη συνέχεια του.

    Το καθεστώς αυτό, το οποίο υπάρχει και εξακολουθεί να υφίσταται, τόσο στην Καταλονία όσο και στο υπόλοιπο ισπανικό κράτος, θεωρεί ότι διακυβεύεται η ίδια η επιβίωσή του. Δεχόμενο μεγάλη αμφισβήτηση και υφιστάμενομια βαθιά κρίση νομιμοποίησης, παρατηρεί με ανησυχία τη συσσώρευση ανοιχτών μετώπων μάχης.Η απειλή για την εδαφική ακεραιότητα του κράτους προστίθεται στα σκάνδαλα της διαφθοράς, στη δυσπιστία κατά της μοναρχίας, στην αμφισβήτηση των περιορισμών που εφαρμόζονται στον πληθυσμό, στη δυσαρέσκειας που οφείλεται στη εργασιακή δουλεία που οδήγησαν οι τελευταίες μεταρρυθμίσεις, στη μεγαλύτερη ηλικία συνταξιοδότησης, στις χαμηλότερες συντάξεις κλπ.Οι συνεχείς προσκλήσεις για υπεράσπιση του Συντάγματος πρέπει να νοηθούν ως μια προειδοποίηση για να τεθεί τέλος σε αυτή την πραγματική υπαρξιακή κρίση που πλήττει αυτό το κράτος.Ο κίνδυνος είναι ότι σε αυτή τη διαδικασία, οι καταπιεστικές συμπεριφορές, όπως αυτές που πρόσφατα έγιναν μάρτυρες σε πολλές καταλανικές πόλεις, αποτελούν τον κανόνα.Ή χειρότερα.

    Φυσικά, δεν γνωρίζουμε ποια κατεύθυνση θα λάβουν τα γεγονότα.Οι οργανώσεις μας θα επικεντρώσουν την προσοχή τους σε αυτό που συμβαίνει, έτοιμες να υπερασπιστούν τα συμφέροντα των εργαζομένων.Θα αντιταχθούμε με όλη μας τη δύναμη στην καταστολή και στην διάδοση των ακροδεξιών συμπεριφορών, οι οποίες είναι ήδη αντιληπτές.Φυσικά, δεν θα χειραγωγηθούμε από τις στρατηγικές των πολιτικών κομμάτων των οποίων οι στόχοι είναι ξένοι για εμάς.Ταυτόχρονα, θα συνεχίσουμε να στηρίζουμε τις κινητοποιήσεις της εργατικής τάξης, όταν αποφασίσει ότι έφτασε τελικά η ώρα να απαλλαγούμε από τη δικτατορία των πολιτικών και οικονομικών ελίτ που για πολύ καιρό έχουν διαχειριστεί τον έλεγχο της επικράτειας για να εξυπηρετήσουν αποκλειστικά τα δικά τους συμφέροντα.Ως ταξικές, ελευθεριακές και αγωνιστικές συνδικαλιστικές οργανώσεις, θα είμαστε παρούσες στους δρόμους, στις κινητοποιήσεις, όπως έχουμε δείξει επανειλημμένα, κατά της καταστολής, των περιορισμών των δικαιωμάτων και των ελευθεριών και κατά της διαφθοράς.

    Είναι πιθανό η κρίση στην Καταλονία να είναι το πραξικόπημα για ένα κρατικό μοντέλο που πεθαίνει.Το πού η αλλαγή αυτή κατευθύνεται με τον ένα ή τον άλλο τρόπο εξαρτάται από την ικανότητά μας, ως τάξη, να στρέψουμε αυτή τη διαδικασία προς την αντίθετη κατεύθυνση από την καταστολή και την άνοδο του εθνικισμού.Ας έχουμε εμπιστοσύνη για την επίτευξη ενός τελικού αποτελέσματος με περισσότερες ελευθερίες και δικαιώματα, όχι το αντίστροφο. Βάζουμε ψηλά τον πήχη.

    Για τα δικαιώματα και τις ελευθερίες!

    Ενάντια στην καταστολή των εργατικών τάξεων!

    Confederación general del trabajo (CGT),
    Solidaridad obrera,
    Confederación nacional del trabajo (CNT)

    https://florealanar.wordpress.com/2017/10/30/communique...ogne/

    Η μετάφραση είναι από την ραδιοφωνική εκπομπή "Τα λεωφορεία του κόσμου" που μεταδιδεται καθε Τρίτη και Πέμπτη 11.30 από τις Ραδιοζώνες Ανατρεπτικής Έκφρασης 93.8FM

    iberia / miscellaneous / interview Thursday November 02, 2017 23:50 byJosé Antonio Gutiérrez D.

    In the middle of a hectic week of the crisis between the central government in Madrid and the Catalan government, Anarkismo spoke with the Foreign Secretary of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), Miguel Pérez. In this interview, he discusses the position that has been maintained by the anarcho-syndicalist organization in Catalonia and the scenarios that the current situation opens for the class, libertarian and revolutionary sectors, throughout the Spanish state. “It is not just a question of redrawing a border, but of reformulating the structures and state system.”

    1. What characterization do you, as CNT, have of the crisis in Catalonia and the Spanish state? What is really at stake?
    At CNT we are not mistaken about the origin of the current situation. Obviously, it responds to a conflict between elites to ensure their survival and ensure control of the territory for their own benefit. However the development of the situation, with the massive mobilization of a large part of the population in Catalonia, opens a series of social and economic intervention spaces that weren’t there a year ago, or at least not in the same way.

    The case of the Catalan government is very clear. The Generalitat (Catalan local government) has been largely controlled for 40 years by moderate right-wing nationalist parties. As a result of the economic crisis in the last years, its management has been heavily criticized, especially since the 15M eruption in 2011. The cuts to social services, corruption scandals, the unstoppable increase in debt, indignation about the repression against popular mobilizations … everything seemed to be against the Generalitat. Precisely from that moment on, the most questioned politicians pulled the independence card, initiating a process that leads to the current situation. That is not to say that there was not an important section of independence in Catalan society before, but the political maneuver is evident.

    For its part, in the case of the central government, it is the representative of a model of state and society that arose after the death of Franco, a process known as Transition. Since 1978, when the current constitution came into effect, the state has been based on a series of principles, such as monarchy, largely bipartisan parliamentary democracy, union representation through elections, unity of Spain with limited self-government for the regions , etc. Anyone who opposed any of these principles was immediately confronted with state apparatuses. This has been the case with the CNT, we have always refused (and we still refuse) to accept the current union model, based on majority unions pacts that function as control valves for the discontent of working people. This “regime of 78” has also been widely questioned since 2011, for reasons similar to those in the Catalan case. In fact, it is worth remembering that some of the politicians at the head of the independence process have been and are the local representatives of the very same regime in Catalonia. Therefore, it is possible to speak of a confrontation between elites, political, economic and unions, concerned with safeguarding their control of a certain territory. The challenge to the unity of Spain, launched by the Catalan independence initiative, is only one of the most evident factors in this questioning of the regime. But there are also other elements. It is not just that a considerable part of the population in Catalonia wants to be independent, but they want to be part of this state model. Iin many cases it is not just a question of redrawing a border, but of reformulating the structures and state system. As a Catalan colleague told me recently, “let’s not fool ourselves, we are at the threshold of a second transition”. That is a process that will fundamentally alter the structures of the whole Spanish state. For example, the Madrid government is already talking about reforming the constitution, etc.

    Of course, the purpose of these reforms and the changes that are taking place are not decided in advance. A very real possibility is that they will result in an even more authoritarian model, as a reaction to the threat to the system, taking advantage of the Spanish nationalist feeling that is experiencing a boom in reaction to Catalan independence. This nationalism, brewed by the media and encouraged by the central government, has a clear component of the far right (Spain’s unity has always been a favorite subject of the right), which can result in a normalization of fascism. In this sense, we at the CNT think that it is essential to take to the streets, participate in the mobilizations and promote the elements of criticism to the system that are already present in the current demands. Both to curb this right-wing drift and to contribute to the extent of our possibilities, so, the restructuring of the Spanish state model will result in the working class gaining positions at the heads of the official bodies, not the other way around. We also see it as an opportunity to include elements of social and economic vindication in a context in which they would otherwise be absent.

    2. Why, as a trade union organization, for an issue that at first sight would seem eminently political, did the CNT decide to call for a general strike?

    The evident intention of nationalisms, both Spanish and Catalan, has been to use the population as a joker in this process. On the other hand thats something they always do. But in the case of the independence referendum on October 1, the Spanish state answered with police and repression that left hundreds of people injured. To a large extent, the general strike was called against this repression. The organizing unions, as workers’ organizations, resorted to their own tool, which is the strike.

    Anyway, it was expected that this would be the central state’s response to the referendum, since in the weeks before the referendum the police presence in Catalonia was significantly increased. It was also to be expected that from that date an intense period of mobilization would open up throughout the region and we understood that a general strike call, in this context, was the most coherent action on our part. As I said at the beginning, the attitude of some sectors of nationalism towards the strike makes clear its intention to use the population as a shield. In some of the pre-convocation meetings, representatives of pro-independence parties tried to convince the unions that the strike should be held on the same day as the referendum so that the pickets could come to defend the referendum against the police action. Clearly we refused to be dragged into their game this way.

    It is also worth commenting on the action of the majority unions, the regime, on the occasion of this strike. Before the scenes of police violence on October 1, that same night their Catalan sections joined the call to strike. But the following morning they withdrew, no doubt after receiving orders from its central executives in Madrid. Instead of a strike, they defended a cal for a civic strike, in which the workers asked permission from their bosses to leave for a while. Speechless…. Evidently, their central leaders were worried about the destabilizing effect that a workers’ and combative strike could have on a regime of which they are part of themselves. In any case, the strike went ahead and it is the first time in 40 years that minority unions have been conducting a successful general strike in a territory, despite the boycott of the major central trade unions of the regime. The paradigm shift is evident.

    One last point regarding the strike. During these last weeks there have been many demonstrations, gatherings, actions, etc. in defense of independence or other similar motivations within the nationalist agenda. CNT has not participated or supported any of them, because they have a strictly political intention and it is not something that we are going to participate in. On the contrary, our colleagues and comrades in Catalonia have been lavished with assemblies, meetings, colloquia, the media, etc. (apart from the strike itself), where our position has always been clear, the need to overflow the purely nationalist process to include economic and social elements. We are aware that sometimes it is difficult to make a difference, especially facing the exterior, but we hope we can make a contribution in this regard.

    3. This call was made jointly with other unions and organizations with a libertarian tendency. In what sense is this moment pushing, and why, at higher levels of unity? What contribution do you think libertarians can make to this movement that we are experiencing?

    CNT has long abandoned the isolationist attitude that made it refuse to collaborate closer with other union organizations. In that sense, calls or joint announcements are nothing new. The case of the strike is one more example. However, we are also aware of the limitations of this cooperation. During the last few years, the CNT has worked hard to develop the model of trade union sections (the assembly of workers of a union in a company or workplace) and to exploit its potential to carry out an effective union work without the necessity to participate in trade union elections. This operation makes a clear difference in the way the CNT acts and makes decisions regarding other unions. Our union models are clearly different and in some cases this is a limitation when it comes to working together. Concerning the situation in Catalonia and in the rest of the state, it seems to us that there is a wide space of collaboration in denouncing repression and in opposing the right wing drift of the state and some sectors of society . But this is again conditioned by the local reality of each organization, which could be very different.

    With regard to the contribution of libertarians, it is curious to note that, while some groups and organizations hold similar positions as ours (and in fact the propaganda for the October 3 strike included their signatures), others clearly support independence , from anarcho-nationalist positions. Others, however, are opposing any form of participation, considering that it is an exclusively nationalist process, although this is more common in groups outside Catalonia. I think we all have clear that the main motive of the mobilizations is nationalist and independentista. That is something we can’t change, we don’t have the ability to change that. From there, some understand that it opens up a space of action, as I have already mentioned before, which is where we want to focus on. As far as I know, within all the nuances that can be in this position, that is also the position of organizations like Embat, who are very active in this field.

    4. What are the major threats and possibilities for the people that are opening up at the current juncture?

    The main threat, and its not small, is the rise of Spanish fascism, as a reaction against the possibility of breaking the unity of Spain. In fact, there has already been an increase in the activity of extreme right-wing groups, with agression and attacks in broad daylight. So far Spain had not seen the rise of the populist and xenophobic nationalism that is rampant in other countriesof Europe or the United States. On the contrary, the popular response to the crisis was of a radically contrary sense, with the emergence of the 15M movement. At this moment that might start to change. Although some fascist groups had achieved a certain implantation imitating the tactics of Golden Dawn, likef distributing social aid only to their own national population etc., until now this had been a minority. However, the current situation, together with an anti-immigration and Islamophobic discourse, can form an explosive cocktail that turns them into a real danger in the streets. On the other hand, the CNT’s own history shows that the best way to stop this boom is the mobilization of the people in the street, with a clear revolutionary push. Obviously, we are very far from the levels of mobilization and political radicalism of the 30s or 70s, but the lesson remains valid. When what has been put on the table is little more than a refoundation of the regime, a redistribution of the balance of power within the Spanish state, it is evident that a wide spectrum of possibilities and ofcourse opportunities are open. It is necessary to conquer new spaces of action, to change the paradigms and to break the monopolies in the control of the territory that have been maintained until today. And that can only be done from the street. In the 1970s, when they designing this regime and this democratic framework, the role of recuperating and integrating leftist political parties that participated in the institutions already became clear. At present we have other similar actors, emerged in the heat of 15M, who will end up playing a similar role, consciously or unconsciously. The pressure that tilts the balance in one direction or another must come from the mobilization.

    5. What is the current situation of CNT on the Iberian peninsula and what is the main role that its fulfilling in the current conjuncture? To what extent is this related to the debates and progress made at the XI Congress?

    The CNT has been undergoing an important process of growth and consolidation for some years now. Not only in an obvious numerical sense, although we are still small, but in the development of more ambitious initiatives, settlement and implementation of our union model, etc. This has allowed, above all, a greater presence in the workplace and at the social level. We can say that the general perception of the CNT, among other social movements and the population in general, is much better today than a decade ago. This is noticeable and important when intervening in situations such as Catalonia. Your speech has more credibility if it comes from people known and respected in the locality that if you have demonstrated a sectarian attitude in the past and no one trusts you.

    However, this consolidation process has been uneven and presents a number of challenges. To begin with, although most local unions have chosen to implement and develop our recent agreements, in line with the last congresses, others did not wanted to or have not been able to do so. In general, this has led to loss of membership and loss of the ability of these unions to act. As a consequence, a regional map is given with notable inequalities between localities, which is a problem in itself. This also happens in Catalonia, where unions have been in a situation of strength and have been able to carry out an intense activity in the face of the recent situation, while others have not been able to have any influence on the events. What is worth all this is to know how those local unions that were well-positioned beforehand when a critical situation has arisen, both in terms of number of activists and in terms of performance, have been able to respond to the crisis, while the others do not. The same thing would happen in any remotely revolutionary situation. The advantages of building organization for years are obvious.

    In addition, any organization that grows (especially if it has revolutionary goals, like ours) has to face a series of concrete problems. These are very different from those that harass a stagnant organization, but they are not less real. For example, it is good to have many new affiliations, but it is necessary to integrate all those people into the organization’s own functioning and culture, from affiliations to militancy, etc. No one denies these challenges, but of course these are problems that would not arise if there are no new affiliations. No one said that building a revolutionary organization was easy. One option is, of course, to remain forever a group of friends in a pub or a social center, but that is palmarily contrary to any revolutionary project. We can not accept that solution.

    Regarding the XI Congress, although it may seem curious now, the fact is that at no time the current scenario in Catalonia was under consideration. Although the independence process has been forging many years, many organizations that are not involved or didn’t participate, were not present enough. We knew it was there, but we did not see this potential overflow. In that sense, the last congress reaffirmed our agreements on support for self-determination of the Palestinian, Kurdish or Saharan people, but Catalonia was not explicitly mentioned. However, it must be said that we do not see the need to make any exceptions in this case. Therefore the CNT supports the self-determination of the Catalan people, understood not in a statist way, as nationalist politicians would like, but as self-organization of a class in a given territory.

    Perhaps this lack of concreteness is one of the reasons why some local unions have expressed their doubts or their disagreement with the approach of the Catalan colleagues. Of course, it is normal that in complex issues and in crisis situations, doubts arise what is the most appropiate strategy. In fact, as it could not be otherwise in an organization as plural as CNT, the debate is constant about the most appropiate approach or the action to each new developement of the situation. We have no interest in projecting the image of a monolithic organization, because we are not, nor do we pretend to be. Everything is part of the continuous debate of ideas and strategies that is given in CNT and in this complex case, it was expected that there would be a diversity of opinions.

    Finally, as you probably know, the XI Congress of CNT launched a global proposal to create a new international. This process has already paid off in many parts of the world, even if only with the establishment of dense networks of contacts between anarcho-syndicalist organizations and revolutionary syndicalists. This has allowed us to maintain a constant flow of information with these organizations (limited only by our own ability to work), which have played a fundamental role in helping us to explain our positions in a situation that is obviously not easy. More importantly, the solidarity of these organizations was demonstrated in a series of calls for support to the general strike in Catalonia, since there were up to 60 acts in various countries around the world. We can not repeat enough how grateful we are to all of them.

    6. How do you think that the mobilization in Catalonia can build bridges with the movements and organizations in the rest of Spain?

    As I said before, a lot of mobilization and a great effort will be necessary to redirect this process of “retransition” and take it to approaches that are minimally advantageous for the working class. Of course, CNT can not face it alone, we are not even clear that doing so would be the best thing, even if we could. In that sense, the collaboration will be forced and necessary.

    But it is also true that each group, movement or organization is going to resort to this convergence with its own objectives and agendas. It can not be otherwise and in the CNT we will not fall into the infantilism of thinking that suddenly it is going to give a proletarian brotherhood without restrictions.

    Neither are we going to give up our revolutionary goals, which are not, of course, shared by everyone that can add to this attempt to overflow the current situation. However, there are a number of important points on which we can start building this convergence, such as the rejection of repression and fascist Spanishism. On this basis, steps are already being taken to work together, with meetings, debates, communications, etc. It is to be hoped that this collaboration will go further, as the situation unfolds. It may be that sometimes this joint work generates conflicts and doubts about the way forward, as it is already doing on the Catalan stage. But we played a lot as a class at this juncture as if we were looking the other way.

    As a revolutionary organization, CNT understands that it has to be always present in the great conflicts of our class, when there is an opportunity to project our message, explain our position, radicalize the conflict, etc. We have the internal tools necessary to advance this process collectively, discussing strategies and expressing doubts or disagreements. We await years of conflict, struggle and mobilization. It will not be easy, but I am sure that the whole CNT will live up to the circumstances.

    Original interview in Spanish here, translation made by and republished from Enough is enough

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    ¿Què està passant a Catalunya?

    ¿Què està passant a Catalunya?

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