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In the last couple of weeks, the Black community in Baltimore has mobilized protests in response to the brutal murder of Freddie Gray by the Baltimore Police Department (BPD).The news footage of Baltimore’s Black youth resisting riot cops is reminiscent of images from the Ferguson protests last summer. Yet, they are also reminiscent of the 1992 Los Angeles Uprising, as well as the many eruptions of popular unrest across the U.S. in 1968 against racist police violence. And we can go farther and farther back into history. The stories are many. The death toll to racist state violence is vast. And many are wondering: Is this our moment to bring down the racist capitalist system?
Anarkismo.net presenta esta entrevista realizada por el periódico anarquista chileno Solidaridad a Abelardo Mariña Flores, activista político, profesor de Economía Política y, actualmente, Jefe del Departamento de Economía de la Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Azcapotzalco. En ella se analiza la profunda crisis por la que atraviesa el Estado mexicano y sus políticas represivas que, de la mano de la llamada guerra contra las drogas, se están traduciendo en masivas violaciones a los derechos humanos en contra deu na población que resiste. Dentro de estas violaciones, la desaparición de 43 estudiantes de Ayotzinapa es un hecho escandaloso, pero ni es excepcional ni puede abstraerse de la historia de brutalidades del Estado mexicano.
Why hasn't there been more rebellion in the US lately? What are the indications that a popular movement may develop which leads to revolution? What is meant by revolution, anyway?Throughout the USA there is discontent. Under the apparently placid political surface there is bubbling dissatisfaction. Yet there has been only limited rebellion, all kept within the limits of Democratic-Republican politics as usual. Certainly, to most people, the possibility of a revolution — an uprising against capitalism and its state — seems distant, if not absurd. I want to argue that a revolution is quite possible (but not inevitable). And I want to clarify what revolution means.
Most political theorists ask why there are occasional rebellions and revolutions. I think it is more fruitful to ask why there are not more rebellions — popular struggles leading up to revolutions. Consider the unfairness of a tiny minority — the “one percent” — ruling over and getting rich from the big majority. Consider the dangers of ecological catastrophe, economic collapse, and nuclear war, not to mention many other issues of oppression and unfairness. Why do people put up with this? Why isn’t there at least a large movement to get rid of this system?
Democratic Party politicians have denounced right-wing Republicans as "anarchists." Why? Are they "anarchists"? What about rightwingers who call themselves "libertarians"? Are "anarcho-capitalists" really anarchists? Are they consistent with the tradition of "individualist anarchism"?Historically this is very unusual. Far-rightists have usually been called “conservatives.” (They are rarely called the more accurate term, “reactionaries” -- those who want to go backward.) Those in the center or the left may call them other names, such as “nuts” or “fascists.” (They are mostly not “fascists” in the sense of wanting to overthrow bourgeois democracy and replace it with a rightwing dictatorship — but they shade into such people.) But they were rarely, if ever, called “anarchists.” Why now?
north america / mexico / workplace struggles Thursday August 08, 2013 10:07 byPrairie Struggle Organisation
After putting much of our efforts in the cross Canada Speaking Tour on Combative Unionism, a debate on Combative unionism took place inside and outside of Prairie Struggle giving way to PSO's first position paper. In this position paper we hope to contribute to the relevant work and theoretical development that has been done or is already underway. We salute our comrades within the revolutionary left that are active in undermining bureaucratic control over working class power.As anarchists, we at the Prairie Struggle Organization have dedicated much time and effort to agitation within the working class and its labour organizations. Despite our various efforts, wins, losses and relationships created we still find ourselves questioning the most effective method to agitate on the shop floors, within schools and in our communities.
Mon 05 Oct, 00:55
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