On the 1-2 November 2018, at St George Hotel and Convention Centre in Pretoria, the summit will
sign a vague and hollow declaration in support of the fight against gender-based violence, so that
the government and the parties involved can pretend that it is supported by all sections of South
African society, coming together to fight for women, LGBTIQ+ and children, when in reality the
scourge of gender based violence will remain unchanged.

The Gauteng Community Health Care Forum is an organisation that brings together Community Health Workers(CHWs) from clinics around Gauteng. CHWs are the first line of defence against HIV/AIDS, TB and other diseases in our communities, and CHWs are also in the forefront of tackling gender-based violence in townships.

CHWs are the critical component that carry the burden of entering townships highly filled with violence against women and children. As we move from one house to another we are not only faced with the violence but we are the people who carry the burden to make sure that women and children who are victims of such crimes get the necessary support.

The Gender summit is not pro-working class women as it claims to be. We can see this in its list of demands, in its organising strategies and in the way it is tackling the violence we are faced with. It remains a process of middle class women and politicians that use working class women as token for their own interests.

We continue to be weary of government-aligned initiatives in the quest to fight gender based violence. We cannot support a Presidency that holds summits that continue to exclude the poor majority. As working class women we are also vigilant that it is the very same state-sanctioned gender-based violence that terrorises us on a day to day basis as we continue to survive in the harsh realities caused by the neo-liberal policies adopted by government.

As majority women in the field, CHWs have also been victims of gender-based violence as we move house to house in the communities. Many of us have been raped, beaten and sexually harassed in the line of duty and fear for our lives. We still remain unrecognised by the government. The government continues to fail to address issues around gender-based violence because it excludes working class women that are at the receiving end of the high levels of gender-based violence in South Africa.

We are also concerned that our participation might be simply a way to swell numbers, and give the appearance of inclusivity when agreements being presented to the Summit have already been fixed by middle class women organisations and the government.

On the 1-2 November 2018, at St George Hotel and Convention Centre in Pretoria, the summit will sign a vague and hollow declaration in support of the fight against gender-based violence, so that the government and the parties involved can pretend that it is supported by all sections of South African society, coming together to fight for women, LGBTIQ+ and children, when in reality the scourge of gender based violence will remain unchanged.

Our call is to work on building militant feminist movements from below. We need to build movements that will organise around the root causes of gender-based violence. These include economic policies that empower women, strategies and policies that really uproot patriarchy and other causes of Gender-based violence.

Issued by: Gauteng Community Health Care Forum

Patricia Makhubu, 079 841 9686 Doreen Mongale, 063 179 1810

The International Labour, Research & Information Group (ILRIG) along with the forty-one (41) community, labour and other civil society organisations, gathered in Johannesburg for the 16th Annual Globalisation School, condemn in the strongest possible terms the violent repression of the legitimate protest engaged in today by casualised/contract workers at the Ekurhuleni Municipality. The protest was organised by the Simunye Workers Forum (SWF), who are part of the School.

Public/Media Statement

Stop the repression of casualised/contract workers in Ekurhuleni!

Respect the right to protest!

27 September 2018
The International Labour, Research & Information Group (ILRIG) along with the forty-one (41) community, labour and other civil society organisations, gathered in Johannesburg for the 16th Annual Globalisation School, condemn in the strongest possible terms the violent repression of the legitimate protest engaged in today by casualised/contract workers at the Ekurhuleni Municipality. The protest was organised by the Simunye Workers Forum (SWF), who are part of the School.
The protestors gathered in front of the Ekurhuleni Municipality today, in the latest instalment of a 4 year struggle by over 3000 waste management and EPWP workers (the majority of whom are women) to achieve permanent work job status and all associated benefits. The workers have journeyed through the CCMA as well as the Bargaining Council and are now waiting for a date at the Labour Court.
At the protest today, the workers were simply requesting that the Mayor come to meet them and respond to their demands. Not only did he refuse but the police then proceeded to violently attack the protestors with tear gas, rubber bullets and buckshot. As a result 44 people were injured and had to be taken to hospital. In addition, 3 women protestors were arrested.
Along with the SWF, all of the 100+ delegates at the ILRIG School demand the immediate release of those arrested and for the police personnel responsible for the completely disproportionate use of violence to break up the legitimate protest, to be held accountable.

PHANSI POLICE REPRESSION AND VIOLENCE!

VIVA THE SIMUNYE WORKERS FORUM!

For more information contact:
William Gundwane (Simunye Workers Forum): 072 898 7476

Ο Selby Semela, ηγετική φυσιογνωμία της εξέγερσης του 1976 εναντίον του απαρτχάιντ, πολιτικός εξόριστος και συγγραφέας (με τους Sam Thompson και Norman Abraham έγραψε το «Reflections on the Black Consciousness Movement and the South African Revolution» - «Σκέψεις για το Κίνημα Μαύρης Συνειδητοποίησης και τη Νοτιοαφρικανική Επανάσταση»), πέθανε την Τετάρτη, 22 Αυγούστου 2018, σε ηλικία 60 ετών.

Έφυγε ένας Νοτιοαφρικανός επαναστάτης - Jabisile Selby Semela (1958-2018)

Ο Selby Semela, ηγετική φυσιογνωμία της εξέγερσης του 1976 εναντίον του απαρτχάιντ, πολιτικός εξόριστος και συγγραφέας (με τους Sam Thompson και Norman Abraham έγραψε το «Reflections on the Black Consciousness Movement and the South African Revolution» - «Σκέψεις για το Κίνημα Μαύρης Συνειδητοποίησης και τη Νοτιοαφρικανική Επανάσταση»), πέθανε την Τετάρτη, 22 Αυγούστου 2018, σε ηλικία 60 ετών.

Γεννημένος στις 23 Ιανουαρίου, στο Pimville του Soweto, έπαιξε σημαντικό ρόλο στην εξέγερση των μαθητών και των εργαζομένων του 1976 κατά του καθεστώτος του απαρτχάιντ. Η αιτία της εξέγερσης ήταν η επιβολή της διδασκαλίας της γλώσσας Αφρικάνερ στο εκπαιδευτικό σύστημα διαχωρισμού που προοριζόταν για τη μαύρη αφρικανική εργατική τάξη και τη φτωχή νεολαία. Αλλά η εξέγερση ήταν μια ευρύτερη αντίδραση στο απαρτχάιντ, ενάντια στους χαμηλούς μισθούς και τον έντονο ρατσισμό στους χώρους εργασίας που αντιμετώπιζαν οι γονείς των μαύρων μαθητών και η πρώιμη εμφάνιση του νεοφιλελευθερισμού: το Κράτος αύξησε τα επιτόκια και τα ενοίκια στις πόλεις, μειώνοντας παράλληλα τα χρήματα που δίνονταν για την εκπαίδευση.

Η εξέγερση εξαπλώθηκε στην καρδιά της βιομηχανίας του Witwatersrand και του Vaal και στη συνέχεια στο Δυτικό Ακρωτήριο - στην οποία συμμετείχαν μεγάλα τμήματα έγχρωμης νεολαίας της εργατικής τάξης, που μιλούσαν κυρίως τη γλώσσα Αφρικάνερ. Ήταν μέρος ενός κύματος αγώνων που ξεκίνησε με μαζικές εργατικές απεργίες στις αρχές της δεκαετίας του 1970. Οι αγώνες του 1976-1977 κλιμακώθηκαν σε τρεις γενικές απεργίες και μαζικές συγκρούσεις στους δρόμους με το στρατό και την αστυνομία, με το τραγικό αποτέλεσμα των 575 θανάτων (451 από τους οποίους στα χέρια της αστυνομίας).

Στα μετέπειτα χρόνια, πολλά πολιτικά κόμματα διεκδίκησαν την πατρότητα της εξέγερσης ή προέβαλαν τον ισχυρισμό ότι αυτά την προκάλεσαν ή την καθοδήγησαν. Στην πραγματικότητα, ήταν νεαροί άνδρες και γυναίκες όπως ο Semela -ο οποίος ήταν η πιο σημαντική φυσιογνωμία του African Student Movement (Αφρικανικό Φοιτητικό Κίνημα) και του τότε Soweto Student Representative Council (SSRC -Συμβούλιο Εκπροσώπων Φοιτητών του Soweto)- που διαδραμάτισε βασικό ρόλο. Από πολιτικής πλευράς, αρκετοί επηρεάστηκαν από το Black Consciousness Movement (BCM - Κίνημα της Μαύρης Συνειδητοποίησης), το οποίο τόνιζε την αλλαγή νοοτροπίας ως βάση της κοινωνικοπολιτικής αλλαγής, καθώς και μερικές αμεσοδημοκρατικές δομές που προωθούνταν από τα νέα συνδικάτα.

Ο Semela, όπως και άλλοι, κατέφυγε στην εξορία. Άλλοι, όπως ο ηγέτης του BCM, Steve Biko, δολοφονήθηκαν. Από την εξορία, ο Semela αγωνίστηκε ακούραστα ενάντια στο απαρτχάιντ, προωθώντας τα μποϊκοτάζ και τις αποεπενδύσεις ως όπλα κατά του καθεστώτος.

Στο έργο «Reflections on the Black Consciousness Movement and the South African Revolution», που εμφανμίστηκε το 1979, άσκησε έντονη κριτική στις πρωτοπορίες, στις τάσεις εκείνες που ήθελαν να ποδηγετήσουν τους αγώνες με στόχο την κατάληψη της κρατικής εξουσίας, αυτό που αποκαλούσε «οργανώσεις παλαιών γυρολόγων» (στμ: μάλλον λογοπαίγνιο του «the old spinster-huckster organisations»): το Αφρικανικό Εθνικό Κογκρέσο (ANC), το Παναφρικανικό Κογκρέσο (PAC) και το Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Νότιας Αφρικής (SACP). Εξέφρασε επίσης την απογοήτευσή του για την πορεία του BCM που μεταβλήθηκε σε πολιτικό κόμμα και την μιλιταριστική του πολιτική μετά το 1976. Υποστήριξε ότι «η επίσημη διακήρυξη του BCM ως οργάνωσης εξηγεί ξεκάθαρα με τα αληθινά της χρώματα, ότι η ιδεολογία και η ιεραρχία είναι ο εχθρός του πραγματικού μαύρου προλεταριακού αγώνα στη Νότια Αφρική». Εκεινη την εποχή είχε επηρεαστεί από τον Καταστασιασμό, μια αντικρατιστική, αντιλενινιστική σοσιαλιστική παράδοση που εμφανίστηκε στη δεκαετία του 1960, επιχειρηματολογώντας υπέρ της αυτο-δραστηριότητας, των εργατικών συμβουλίων (σοβιέτ) και του τέλους της αποξένωσης.

Ο Semela ζούσε στην Κολούμπια του Μέριλαντ και αφήνει πίσω τη σύζυγό του Mary, τους γιους του Linda Mathe, Rise, Naledi και Mohapi, τα εγγόνια του Lwandile, Molemo και Warona, τον αδελφό του Tumelo, και τις θείες του Mary Ntilane, Mavis Moloi και Dora Simela.

*Μετάφραση: Ούτε Θεός-Ούτε Αφέντης.

Selby Semela, a leading figure in the 1976 revolt against apartheid, political exile, and author (with Sam Thompson and Norman Abraham), of “Reflections on the Black Consciousness Movement and the South African Revolution”, passed away on Wednesday, 22 August, 2018, aged but 60 years.

A South African Revolutionary Passes:
Jabisile Selby Semela, 1958-2018

by ZACF Born January 23, Pimville, Soweto, South Africa, he played a key role in the 1976 student and worker revolt against the apartheid regime. The trigger was the imposition of Afrikaans-language teaching in the wretched segregated schooling system set aside for the black African working class and poor youth. But the revolt was a broader response to apartheid, including the low wages and intense workplace racism faced by parents, and the early onset of neo-liberalism: the state was rapidly raising rates and charges in townships while cutting education money.

The revolt spread across the industrial heartlands of the Witwatersrand and the Vaal, and then into the Western Cape — including here many Coloured working class youth, mostly Afrikaans-speaking. It was part of a wave of struggle beginning with mass worker strikes in the early 1970s. The struggles of 1976-1977 escalated into three general strikes, massive confrontations on the streets with the army and police, and tragically, 575 deaths (451 at police hands alone).

In later years, many political parties have claimed ownership of the revolt, or pretended their undergrounds caused or led it. In truth, it was young men and women like Semela — who was key to the African Student Movement, then the Soweto Student Representative Council (SSRC) — who played the key role. Politically, many were influenced by the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), which stressed changing minds as the basis of change; and some by the bottom-up democracy promoted by the new unions.

Semela, like others, fled the country into exile. Others, like BCM leader Steve Biko, were killed. From exile, Semela campaigned tirelessly against apartheid, promoting boycotts, disinvestment, and sanctions.

In the 1979 “Reflections on the Black Consciousness Movement and the South African Revolution”, he was sharply critical of the vanguardist, top-down tendencies to hijack struggles in pursuit of state power, of what he called “the old spinster-huckster organisations”: the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP). He was also dismayed by the BCM’s turn towards political party and militarism after 1976. He argued that “the BCM’s official proclamation as an organisation spells out unfailingly that in its true colours as ideology and hierarchy, it is an enemy of real black proletarian struggle in South Africa.” At the time he was influenced by Situationism, an anti-statist, anti-Leninist socialist tradition that emerged in the 1960s; it stressed self-activity, workers’ councils (soviets) and an end to alienation.

At the time of his death, Semela lived in Columbia, Maryland, and leaves behind his wife (Mary), sons (Linda Mathe, Rise, Naledi and Mohapi), grandchildren (Lwandile, Molemo, and Warona), his brother (Tumelo) and his aunts (Mary Ntilane, Mavis Moloi, and Dora Simela).

On the 21st April 2015 the Magistrates Court in Sebokeng sentenced 4 community activists from Boiketlong, to a total of 16 years in prison. The activists are: Dinah Makhetha, Sipho Mangane, Dan Molefe and Pulane Mahlangu. Key witnesses could not even identify the 4 but the courts sought to use the apartheid law of ‘doctrine of common purpose’ to jail them. They were found not guilty of ‘public violence’ but guilty of ‘assault, arson and malicious damage to property’.

Pulane Mahlangu has run away and no one knows where she is or if she is in good health. Either way, she cannot come home.

Dan Molefe died of stress-related illness in December 2017.

Although released for a short period while the appeal process was underway, both Dinah and Sipho are back in prison as they lost the first level of Appeal. The magistrate is prepared to consider shortening the sentence but not the sentence itself. The appeal process remains underway.

There is now an opportunity for a mediated process that may assist in a process of early release. There is an urgent need to cover the costs of mediation which we estimate could come to about R40 000. Appeals have been made to the community to raise funds as well to the broader movement.

What is at stake?

The state has used an apartheid law, the ‘doctrine of common purpose’, to attempt to crush the resistance of the masses. The law of common purpose is deliberately broad so as to be used to target leaders in the community and working class movement. If left unchallenged it extends the attack on the democratic right to protest. To petition for full Leave to Appeal and the higher processes are all very expensive and time-consuming. This places a huge burden on the families and community of Boiketlong. Ironically, sentences for murder and rape are quite often less than what the activists received. If you are rich and famous, you are likely to get a much reduced sentence but working class activists bear the brunt of this injustice. The infamous Oscar Pistorius was sentenced to only 6 years in prison, for killing his girlfriend, Reeva Steenkamp. The sentence was later increased to 15 years, still less than what the Boiketlong 4 were sentenced to. He had been released on parole after serving only 10 months in prison. How many men, who kill their partners, are even locked up? Comrade Dinah’s granny passed away but the state denied her the opportunity to attend the funeral.

The increase of repressive methods against community activists is part of a world-wide trend. As traditional leaderships are discredited and no longer able to control the masses, so there is an increase in repressive measures against the masses.

If you are rich, the wheels of the ‘justice’ system turn. If you are a worker, you are locked up and the key thrown away. Thus the state is exposed as an instrument of big capital, an instrument of violence, to control the working class.

This marks a new stage in the desperation of imperialism to control the masses- the same dropping of the democratic mask of the state and the criminalization of protest, is seen across Africa, from Cape to Cairo. Special fascist gangs such as the Chrysalis black shirts are springing up like mushrooms. The fascist attacks on immigrant poor are also similar signs of desperation by imperialism to use terror and force to attempt to break the resistance of the masses.

The community of Boiketlong have long suffered from broken promises of the ANC government. Since the elections in 2006, the ANC has come with empty promises to upgrade the area that by then had already long suffered a lack of sanitation, lack of water, lack of electricity and lack of housing. The 4 are part of the collective leadership, assigned by the community to lead their struggle for houses. This is their only ‘crime’. They are political prisoners of the capitalist state. They are not criminals.

It is reported in the Journal of Southern African Studies that the mining giants have accelerated their theft through transfer pricing after 1994 to such an extent that in 2007 alone about R600bn was taken out by imperialism through illegal means. (This is about $50bn, which is more than what is required to end world hunger for a year). The amounts that imperialism has stolen over the years is in the order of trillions of dollars, and this is from SA alone. If the entire Africa is also considered, we are looking at several trillions of dollars stolen by imperialism.

Yet, across Africa, all the regimes, without exception, turn a blind eye to this and are instruments of keeping the masses in check while imperialist plunder continues.

SA and Africa has enough wealth to meet all our needs, with decent housing, free education, free, quality health care, decent jobs for all. Yet everywhere there is poverty and suffering and only the imperialists and their paid hirelings benefit. Indeed, SA has enough wealth to care for the whole of Southern Africa, but it is a giant prison for the masses of Southern Africa.

Boiketlong is a symbol of the capitalist injustice that there is. The imperialist who plunder and steal and cause the early death of millions, get off scot free. The masses and anyone who dares raise a question, are brutalised and suppressed.

There should have been houses and proper facilities in Boiketlong but instead it is a slum. It is being kept a slum by the ANC government. That is why the 4 comrades were jailed: because they dared to challenge the slum conditions.

The SA government dares to blame the other African regimes for their ‘nationals’ coming to SA. The very same imperialism that plunders SA, also plunders the whole of Africa. All these regimes are responsible for the enforced poverty of the African masses. The SA govt has more blood on its hands. In the DRC imperialism funds the wars that have killed 6-10 million people. After the lands are cleared and imperialism opens up its mining operations for Cassiterite (raw material for cell phones, tablets playstations and laptops- 70% of the world’s reserves are there). It is SA soldiers that are provided as a free security force for the plunder. Each soldier is paid R50 000 a month for this work of protecting Anglo American from the starving masses in the DRC.

The spread of HIV-Aids in SA, according to credible research reports, was largely due to the collapse of the health system which led to the re-use of infected needles, among other unsanitary practices. Thanks to the ANC government.

Yes, a lot of dwellings have been built but most of them are in the old group areas. In other words, the ANC government perpetuated apartheid housing policies.

There is enough wealth for jobs for all, but due to the theft that the ANC (and DA) governments allow, there is mass unemployment and starvation everywhere.

This is not peace but a sustained civil war against the masses which the ANC has continued from the old NP apartheid regime.

We need to draw the lesson. Freedom will not fall from the sky. The working class needs to be organised. We need to tear down the artificial barriers that separate us.

We call for a national and international programme of action against the criminalization of protest, for the freeing of the 4 Boiketlong activists.

One more appeal

We salute the activists from the Boiketlong and Sebokeng communities, from WIVL, SRWP, ILRIG, United Front, Giwusa, who have demonstrated their solidarity and/or visited the comrades in prison.

We salute the cdes from various international groups, such as the Las Heras families and prisoners, the FLTI, CWG, LITCI, CSP Conlutas, ROE, CAB and others, who sent messages of solidarity and/or material support.

It is necessary for one final round of solidarity to be sent. We call on the broader working class movement and the democrats in general to contribute, through renewed messages of solidarity and through financial contributions.

For this, please contact us via:

Jonathan Payn ph/whatApp +27 619925339 Email: sifuna.zonke@gmail.com

Shaheed Mahomed ph/whatApp +27 822020617 Email: workersinternational@gmail.com 30 July 2018