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southern africa / workplace struggles Dienstag Juni 27, 2017 23:19 bei Mandy Moussouris
Credit: eNCA / Xoli Mngambi
The labour movement has been unable to de-link itself from its archenemy: capital. As its structures bureaucratise, as its leaders become career unionists, as it opens investment companies and pays staff increasingly inequitable salaries, it increasingly mirrors the very thing it is fighting. If the South African Federation of Trade Unions is to meet its promise, it must be fundamentally different from the organisation it was born out of.A federation will not liberate the class, nor will its affiliates; only the working class can liberate itself and it will never be able to do that as long as there is an implicit belief in a Great Leader/s; as long as the union is seen as a legal service and as long as power and money are centralised. A truly participatory, democratic trade union would be one where the locals/branches of each affiliate control the membership dues collected, where they would use their dues to do work on the ground and put some aside for provincial and national work; where the workers have direct ownership of the means of trade union production (negotiation, representation, mobilisation) and where the extremely loosely used term, democracy, translates into individual worker agency and empowerment to ensure that the base, the majority, the working class, is where true power lies, and that it uses its power to change the world for the benefit of the many.
southern africa / community struggles Donnerstag Juni 08, 2017 02:20 bei Jonathan Payn
Women erecting a makeshift shelter at Bush Koppies. Photo: Lekhetho Mtetwa (ZACF)
The struggle of the black working class majority of Freedom Park, South Africa, is not just for land on which to build housing – although that is obviously a central issue and key demand; nor is it just against the accompanying political and police violence and intimidation. It is a struggle against the injustice, violence and corruption of a system that puts the power, privileges and profits of a few before the lives and wellbeing of the majority.
southern africa / history of anarchism Montag Oktober 03, 2016 19:07 bei Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front
C’de Bobo at the “Reclaim June 16” demonstration in Soweto, 2009
The ZACF is saddened to learn of the passing away of comrade Bobo Makhoba in Soweto this Thursday 29 September, at the age of 41, after a long illness. He is survived by his son, to whom we extend our deepest sympathies and condolences – as we do to the rest of his family, friends and comrades.
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 3 comments (last - montag oktober 03, 2016 06:12)
southern africa / miscellaneous Sonntag September 25, 2016 18:22 bei Leroy Maisiri
Pastor Evan Mawarire unwittingly began the #thisflag movement
The last 4 months in Zimbabwe can surely be characterized as an awakening of the Zimbabwean working class, as thousands of these citizens have taken to the streets, responding to Pastor Evan Mawarire’s call: “hatichatya” – we are not afraid. The #Thisflag movement followed soon after. This is certainly a historic time for Zimbabwe; a time of growing labour pains as the country (hopefully) enters a process of rebirth towards a better and new Zimbabwe.But before we can even begin to talk about a free Zimbabwe and how we would go about getting that, we need to first have a clear and coherent class analysis of the Zimbabwean social and political climate.Understanding who we are fighting is essential. Zimbabwe without a doubt needs to rid ourselves of the 92-year- old man who thinks the state house is his graveyard. But in the same breath, we must rid itself of the oppressive state system altogether. Swapping a vicious state capitalist manager with another is nowhere close to constituting progress. See also:Inside the Zimbabwean uprising
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1 comment (last - dienstag september 27, 2016 05:18)
southern africa / miscellaneous Mittwoch August 24, 2016 16:30 bei MC Biko
Anti-Robert Mugabe protesters in Harare, Zimbabwe
A year and half ahead of the 2018 general elections, the poor and working people of Zimbabwe are up in arms against President Robert Gabriel Mugabe and his ZANU-PF regime which has been in power for 36 years. In the last 3 months Zimbabwe has been shaken by protest actions of workers, informal traders, commuter omnibus operators, and unemployed youths. These actions have occurred at a time when the country is experiencing a liquidity crisis and the ruling party structures are crumbling from within as liberation war veterans, once Mugabe’s staunch loyalists, break ranks from the regime. Meanwhile, the opposition political parties (a myriad of MDC splinter groups and two ZANU-PF splinter groups) are in talks to form a coalition party. The regime has since stepped up its repressive measures in a bid to squash dissent. |
 Employees at the Zarfati Garage in Mishur Adumim vote to strike on July 22, 2014. (Photo courtesy of Ma’an workers union) Fr 22 Sep, 15:05
The Brazilian Anarchist Coordination repudiates the cowardly criminalization of South African fighters and social fighters and their persecution.
Ante la represión que se desata contra el pueblo sudafricano, desde Uruguay exigimos justicia y la inmediata libertad para los compañeros de Boiketlong y la inmediata aparición con vida de Papi Tobias.
Faced with the repression that is unleashed against the South African people, from Uruguay we demand justice and the immediate freedom for the comrades of Boiketlong and the immediate appearance of Papi Tobias alive, of course. En février 2015, quatre militant-e-s de quartier [community activists] originaires de Boiketlong dans le Vaal, au sud de Johannesburg, ont été condamné-e-s à 16 ans de prison chacun-e à la suite d’une manifestation locale. C’est une condamnation très sévère et qui s’est basée sur des preuves très peu tangibles. Les « Quatre de Boiketlong » ont été arrêté-e-s et accusé-e-s d’avoir agressé de la conseillère local de quartier (membre de l’ANC1) et d’avoir mis le feu à sa maison et à deux voitures pendant ladite manifestation. Elles et ils ont été jugé-e-s coupables d’agression avec intention de causer de sérieux dégâts humains, d’incendie, de dégradations aggravées et d’atteinte à la propriété. C’est un exemple de la terrible injustice qui est menée contre les militant-e-s de la classe ouvrière noire et cela pourrait avoir de dangereuses répercussions pour les luttes à venir de la classe ouvrière noire et des pauvres en Afrique du Sud, si on ne combat pas cette décision de justice. Les gens doivent être mis-es au courant des faits et des actions doivent être menées pour demander justice et pour combattre la criminalisation de la pauvreté et des mouvements sociaux.
Nel febbraio del 2015, 4 attivisti comunitari di Boiketlong in the Vaal, a sud di Johannesburg, furono condannati ognuno a 16 anni di prigione a seguito di una protesta comunitaria. Si tratta di una sentenza molto severa e la condanna si basò su prove incerte. I 4 di Boiketlong vennero arrestati per aver attaccato, secondo quanto riportato, il locale consigliere distrettuale dell’ANC e aver appiccato il fuoco alla sua abitazione e a due macchine durante la protesta comunitaria. I 4 furono perciò condannati per assalto con l’intento di causare gravi lesioni personali, incendio e danneggiamento volontario della proprietà. Questo è un esempio della terribile ingiustizia perpetrata contro attivisti proletari neri e potrebbe avere pericolose ripercussioni per le future lotte della classe lavoratrice nera e dei poveri in Sud Africa, se non combattuta. La gente deve essere consapevole di ciò e attivarsi per chiedere giustizia e combattere la criminalizzazione della povertà e della protesta.
En febrero de 2015, cuatro militantes de Boiketlong in the Vaal, sur de Johannesburgo, fueron sentenciados a 16 años en prisión después de una protesta en su comunidad. Esta es una sentencia muy severa y está basada en una evidencia muy débil. Los cuatro de Boiketlong fueron arrestados por atacar al concejal local de la ANC (Consejo Nacional Africano, partido del fallecido Nelson Mandela) e incendiar su casa y dos autos durante la protesta de la comunidad. Fueron arrestados por daños corporales graves, incendios intencionales y daño intencional a la propiedad. Este es un ejemplo de una terrible injusticia perpetrada contra la los militantes trabajadores negros y puede tener peligrosas repercusiones en futuras luchas de los trabajadores negros y pobres en Sudáfrica si no es combatido. La gente debe ser advertida de estos hechos e iniciar acciones para reclamar justicia y luchar contra la criminalización de la pobreza y la protesta. In February 2015, four community activists from Boiketlong in the Vaal, south of Johannesburg, were sentenced to 16 years in prison each following a community protest. This is a very severe sentence and the conviction was based on shaky evidence. The ‘Boiketlong Four’ were arrested for allegedly attacking the local ANC ward councillor and setting fire to her shack and two cars during a community protest. They were convicted of assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm, arson and malicious injury to property. This is an example of a terrible injustice perpetrated against black working class activists and could have dangerous repercussions for future struggles of the black working class and poor in South Africa if it is not fought. People need to be aware of the facts and take action to demand justice and to fight the criminalisation of poverty and protest. The labour movement has been unable to de-link itself from its archenemy: capital. As its structures bureaucratise, as its leaders become career unionists, as it opens investment companies and pays staff increasingly inequitable salaries, it increasingly mirrors the very thing it is fighting. If the South African Federation of Trade Unions is to meet its promise, it must be fundamentally different from the organisation it was born out of. The hope that the end of apartheid would herald a better life for the oppressed in South Africa has evaporated. Their conditions today are materially as bad as under apartheid - and even worse in some cases. But the upper classes are having the time of their lives. Working class struggles should be intensified and linked, based on self-organising and direct democracy to bring about real change. The struggle of the black working class majority of Freedom Park, South Africa, is not just for land on which to build housing – although that is obviously a central issue and key demand; nor is it just against the accompanying political and police violence and intimidation. It is a struggle against the injustice, violence and corruption of a system that puts the power, privileges and profits of a few before the lives and wellbeing of the majority.
On 11 February 2016, I issued an initial personal statement on the Michael Schmidt affair.[1] I completely rejected the irredeemable racist and right-wing statements attributed to Schmidt, which were mainly posted under false names online. They represent positions I have consistently opposed, for decades, to the best of my abilities. I noted problems with his explanation, centred on the claim that his posts and false personas were solely means for infiltrating the radical right for undercover research. I raised serious ethical problems with his actions, including his admitted role in repeatedly frustrating earlier investigations into his actions by myself and others. I also laid out my emotional turmoil over the affair, the gulf between the Schmidt I knew and trusted, a man active in left and black working class circles, and another Schmidt, increasingly exposed. In the midst of gorging themselves through exploitation and corruption, competing factions of the flabby ruling class in South Africa (the ruling class being capitalists, politicians and top state officials) have once again stepped into the ring to take pieces out of one another. In the one corner of the fight is the Zuma faction - comprised of sections of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) capitalists, top state officials, and politicians aligned to Zuma - while in the other corner is the Ramaphosa/Gordhan faction - comprised of sections of the ANC leadership such as Ramaphosa and Gordhan, white capital and the South African Communist Party (SACP). These factions have recently been standing toe to toe exchanging blows and in the process, metaphorical blood has been spilled: those of a few Cabinet Ministers, including Pravin Gordhan. Μόνο μια ριζοσπαστική αλλαγή –μια νέα Αφρική βασισμένη στην ελευθεριακή και σοσιαλιστική ανάπτυξη– μπορεί να σπάσει αυτό τον φαύλο κύκλο. Αυτό περιλαμβάνει τόσο τον αγώνα ενάντια στις αφρικανικές ελίτ, όσο και ενάντια στον ιμπεριαλισμό. Και αυτό με τη σειρά του απαιτεί μια ρήξη με τις ιδέες του «τρίτου κόσμου», που αγνοούν τα ταξικά ζητήματα μέσα στην Αφρική και με τον εθνικισμό, που καλεί σε ενότητα όλους τους Αφρικανούς – μία άνευ ουσίας ενότητα μεταξύ των τοπικών καταπιεστών και των θυμάτων τους. Χωρίς ένα προοδευτικό αριστερό και αναρχικό σχέδιο, οι απογοητεύσεις και η δυστυχία των μαζών απλώς θα καλυφθεί από κενές ιδέες (η «δημοκρατία») ή αντιδραστικά κινήματα (όπως το Boko Haram) και συναισθήματα (ο ρατσισμός και το μίσος προς τους μετανάστες). In these grim times, both globally and locally, it is important to reaffirm the centrality of workers’ education, and the need for a strong working-class movement. Ordinary people have immense potential to change the world, and steer it in a more progressive direction than that promised by capitalists, populists and the political establishment, writes Lucien van der Walt. On Wednesday, the Minister of Finance of South Africa stood up in the circus that passes itself off as a National Parliament and without any sense of irony what-so- ever declared that the South African state’s budget for 2017 was redistributive and progressive. If the Minister was to be believed, therefore, the budget was aimed at making a dent in the substantial class and racial inequalities that exist in the country. To back this up, supporters pointed out that the tax rate on top earners was raised marginally in the budget and people receiving dividends from shares would have to pay 5% more on these in tax. Despite this, one word could sum up the idea that the budget presented was redistributive and progressive: bullshit. Rather the budget presented by Minister Pravin Gordhan was yet again another attack on the working class. What the budget did was to favour corporations at the expense of the poor. In doing so, it remained based on the neoliberal dogma that has defined South Africa’s post-apartheid politics. In other words, the budget was a vivid demonstration of how the state is an instrument and weapon of the ruling class that functions to benefit that class. This can be seen throughout the budget, including how the state plans to raise money and how it plans to spend it. Bribery and extortion of the piblic police and other officials is to fund the Zimbabwean state. The regime destroyed any healthy form of industry and severely cut itself from its financial feeding source. Now they have employed police, city council and Zimra to become state fund-raisers ticketing for almost everything a citizen is supposed to receive from the state but the state cannot provide. In what will no doubt become known as a historic strike, women workers at Robertson Winery have played a key role, both because they form the majority of the striking workers but also as leaders of the strike. A year ago, starting 20 October 2015, around 75 small shops were looted, some burned down, in the eastern townships and downtown area of the small Eastern Cape university town of Grahamstown/ iRhini, South Africa. The attacks targeted Asian and African immigrants, many of them Muslim, and displaced 500 people. These riots were largely ignored by the media. The battle between Pravin Gordhan and Jacob Zuma has been presented along the lines of a superhero comic. Gordhan, the hero, is portrayed as the last defence against the rampaging villain, vile Zuma. And like all superhero tales Gordhan the good appears to be gaining the upper hand over Zuma the bad – especially since corruption charges have been dropped and the damning Public Protector’s report on state capture has been released. Αυτό είναι το δεύτερο κείμενο από μια σειρά κειμένων που θέλουν να εστιάσουν στην διεθνή ιστορική συγκυρία της καπιταλιστικής κυριαρχίας, στην προσπάθειά της να αναδιαρθρωθεί εντός εκτός των αφηγημάτων περί ‘’κρίσης’’. Η απεργία στο Marikana και η εξέλιξή της, η εμπλοκή των κρατικών θεσμών και της αστυνομίας μπορεί, ενδεχομένως, να φωτίσει κάποιες πτυχές της διαδικασίας εξόρυξης υπεραξίας, της εργατικής εκμετάλλευσης και την ιδιαίτερη μορφή που αυτή λαμβάνει στην συγκυρία αυξανόμενης διεθνοποίησης της αξίας. Recent worker-student alliances and activities are lacking in an anarchist/syndicalist approach which focuses on ‘people’s power’ and ‘worker control’. Such an approach is important for radical transformation, writes Leroy Maisiri. “Επόπτης Mthembu” - Ποίηση ενάντια στην αστυνομική βαρβαρότητα “Επόπτης Mthembu” - Ποίηση ενάντια στην αστυνομική βαρβαρότητα If our pain was turned into an art museum the most popular exhibit would showcase portraits of the South African Police Service with our bodies on the floor as their footstools. Our silenced screams chock up the airways in our throats, our tracheas burst out and with both hands we grab the artery veins in an attempt to contain the bleeding, trying to redirect this blood, this life back into the cause and yes, bang, bang, bang; you keep shooting and yes bang, bang, bang, we keep running. The ZACF is saddened to learn of the passing away of comrade Bobo Makhoba in Soweto this Thursday 29 September, at the age of 41, after a long illness. He is survived by his son, to whom we extend our deepest sympathies and condolences – as we do to the rest of his family, friends and comrades.
Desde el año 2013, las protestas populares de sectores de trabajadores como comerciantes, conductores de transporte público e incluso sectores de desempleados en Zimbabwe han aumentado, y en varias zonas del país ha habido alzamiento en armas; todo esto contra el presidente Robert Gabriel Mugabe, elegido en el 2013 y que representa al partido ZANU-PF, quien está en el poder desde hace 36 años. The last 4 months in Zimbabwe can surely be characterized as an awakening of the Zimbabwean working class, as thousands of these citizens have taken to the streets, responding to Pastor Evan Mawarire’s call: “hatichatya” – we are not afraid. The #Thisflag movement followed soon after. This is certainly a historic time for Zimbabwe; a time of growing labour pains as the country (hopefully) enters a process of rebirth towards a better and new Zimbabwe. But before we can even begin to talk about a free Zimbabwe and how we would go about getting that, we need to first have a clear and coherent class analysis of the Zimbabwean social and political climate. Understanding who we are fighting is essential. Zimbabwe without a doubt needs to rid ourselves of the 92-year- old man who thinks the state house is his graveyard. But in the same breath, we must rid itself of the oppressive state system altogether. Swapping a vicious state capitalist manager with another is nowhere close to constituting progress. Dear comrades, glad to meet and to create a transcontinental communication and solidarity with you. We are an anarchist magazine/website from Turkey/Kurdistan. We can not say that we label ourselves anarcho-communists but mostly we agree in principles of solidarity, mutual aid, organized struggle and a world without bosses, states, ruling classes etc. the most important thing is for us to be in solidarity with all anarchists, libertarians and social movements which seek to destroy capitalism, states and dominations of all kinds. Only way to achieve success in class war against capitalism and its all apparatus, is to organize, to stay in touch/contact and to stay strong against it together.
There are lots of documents about ZACF but mostly English. We have very few sources in turkish. So that we feel to inform anarchists and libertarians who are reading and speaking turkish about your long term struggle in South Africa. So that we have some questions which our comrades may wonder about you? Here are questions: Sevgili yoldaşlar, sizlerle tanışmak ve kıtalar arası bir iletişim ve bağlılık kurabildiğim için memnunum. Biz Türkiye/Kürdistan’dan anarşist bir dergi ve haber portalıyız. Kendimizi anarşi-komünist olarak tanımladığımızı söyleyemeyiz ancak genel olarak komünizm, dayanışma, karşılıklı yardımlaşma, örgütlü dayanışma ve patronların olmadığı bir dünya görüşü gibi prensiplerde sizlerle hem fikiriz. Kapitalizme karşı yürüttüğümüz sınıf savaşında başarı elde etmemizin tek yolu örgütlü olmak, bağlantıda kalmak ve onlara karşı birlikte güçlü bir şekilde durmaktır.
ZACF hakkında bir sürü dosya ve doküman olmasına rağmen çoğu İngilizcedir. Türkçe kaynaklar çok az miktardadır. Arzumuz Türkçe yazıp konuşan anarşist ve liberter yoldaşlarımızı Güney Afrika’daki uzun süreli mücadeleniz hakkında bilgilendirmektir. Bu nedenle yoldaşlarımızın merak edebileceği bazı sorularımız olacak. İşte sorular: We, concerned burial societies and community organisations of the Vaal area, invite everyone in the region to support our struggle against high fees and privatisation of cemeteries. Our people are already living in poverty and struggling to access basic services and a better life because of privatisation. Now they want to charge us high fees and profit from the death of our loved ones! We working class people of the Vaal can not afford the high fees they are charging for graves – fees that are so high and on top of it we still have to pay for tombstones, caskets and reopening if we want to bury another person on the site! Asinamali! Grave fees must fall! We demand free graves!
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