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brazil/guyana/suriname/fguiana / gênero / opinião / análise Sunday September 30, 2018 04:21 byFederação Anarquista Gaúcha

Estamos em período eleitoral. Os partidos políticos, à esquerda e à direita, apresentam suas candidaturas e suas propostas ao povo. Alguns prometem governo popular e dizem que irão defender direitos, no marco da democracia representativa dos ricos. Outros falam de soluções autoritárias, de mais repressão e polícia, como se o maior problema do nosso povo fosse a criminalidade e a falta de segurança. Nós da Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB) não escolhemos entre as opções disponíveis. Votamos nulo como reação de protesto, mas sabemos que isso não basta. Nossa militância toma essa atitude por uma questão de princípio. Acreditamos que fazer política não tem a ver exclusivamente com eleger um candidato. Pelo contrário. Quem de fato elege os candidatos são os de cima, os ricos, e não o povo.

Mulheres Tomam a Frente da Resistência! Povo Forte Vence nas Ruas!

Estamos em período eleitoral. Os partidos políticos, à esquerda e à direita, apresentam suas candidaturas e suas propostas ao povo. Alguns prometem governo popular e dizem que irão defender direitos, no marco da democracia representativa dos ricos. Outros falam de soluções autoritárias, de mais repressão e polícia, como se o maior problema do nosso povo fosse a criminalidade e a falta de segurança. Nós da Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB) não escolhemos entre as opções disponíveis. Votamos nulo como reação de protesto, mas sabemos que isso não basta. Nossa militância toma essa atitude por uma questão de princípio. Acreditamos que fazer política não tem a ver exclusivamente com eleger um candidato. Pelo contrário. Quem de fato elege os candidatos são os de cima, os ricos, e não o povo.

A democracia deles é uma farsa e, portanto, sua estrutura e institucionalidade está fadada a reproduzir dominação, mesmo que sob verniz popular. O que não significa que ficamos alheios aos resultados das eleições ou que achamos que tanto fez como tanto faz. Não somos principistas e puristas em matéria de política. A conjuntura imposta nesse novo arranjo de poder, o qual caracterizamos como Estado Policial de Ajuste, nos coloca a certeza que precisamos cerrar punhos e organizar a resistência, com auto-organização de mulheres, LGBTs, negros, indígenas, estudantes, trabalhadores, todo o conjuntos dos setores oprimidos para garantir nossos direitos. Pois não há cenário favorável para o nosso povo fora da luta popular.

É uma completa ilusão crer que a derrota do Bozo e sua trupe virá das urnas. O resultado das eleições não irá desmobilizar em nada as forças da extrema direita, que ganham chão a cada dia que passa. Eleito ou não, o lastro social e ideológico que a candidatura do capitão da reserva deixará já é uma herança terrível, e o conflito que hoje existe deve alcançar níveis ainda mais altos a partir de 2019, independente de quem venha a sentar na cadeira da presidência.

Do outro lado, uma briga encarniçada no campo progressista sobre qual candidatura teria mais condições de ganhar o pleito, se a de Ciro ou de Haddad. O que parece até um desperdício de disposição militante, como se a vitória de qualquer um dos dois representasse de fato a derrota da extrema direita. Pelo contrário: enquanto a militância realmente convicta se mata pelas redes sociais, os candidatos vão capitulando seus programas ainda no primeiro turno e tentando atrair algum apoio, para o segundo turno, dos partidos que eventualmente fiquem pelo caminho. E principalmente do tal "Mercado" (como se este fosse um ente divino e único, e não um bando de especuladores que pouco se importam com o país - que dirá com povo oprimido -, estando apenas interessados na aposta que lhes dará o melhor retorno).

Um grande exemplo disso é Haddad, que já aceita falar sobre a reforma da Previdência enquanto seus apoiadores juram que sua candidatura representa, em alguma medida, os "interesses populares". Há ainda o elemento militar. Pra quem tem acompanhado minimamente as falas do alto generalato, as Forças Armadas voltaram à cena política e não demonstram qualquer vontade de sair. Muito pelo contrário, começam a ganhar força explicitando o descontentamento com a Constituição de 1988, por exemplo. Ou seja, é a liquidação formal de um mínimo de direitos arrancados pelo conjunto das classes oprimidas a partir da efervescência popular dos anos 1980 (sob a narrativa da redemocratização do país) e acomodado no pacto de classes da ‘‘constituição cidadã’’ de 1988 - pacto este que na prática já foi rompido desde 2016. Mas voltando à milicada, o recado sobre a não aceitação do resultado das urnas já está dado, e é incerta a postura que adotará o exército em caso de uma convulsão social impulsionada pela extrema direita. E mesmo que assumam uma atuação mais nos bastidores, quais as chances de prevalecer um projeto de caráter popular com estes abutres pairando na cena? Isso tudo sem contar o judiciário, aquele setor de classe com corte bem delineado e que já deixou claro a quem serve, mas que ainda é escolhido como fiel da balança por boa parte da esquerda que acredita nas vias institucionais.

Para o campo libertário, o cenário é ainda mais duro. Se já era difícil fazer corrente de opinião contra a farsa das eleições em um ambiente tão polarizado e em que as forças políticas de diferentes espectros legitimam essa disputa, que dirá então quando a saída apontada tem um nível de concretude tão distante. Os espaços que poderiam propiciar uma outra experiência política aos setores historicamente excluídos dos centros de tomada de decisão praticamente inexistem, e quando existem tendem a estar aparelhados por forças que jogam todas as suas fichas nas eleições. Os menos convictos viram dissidentes, arrebatados pelo discurso alarmista vigente. Aos que estão de fora da nossa bolha social, não temos uma solução concreta (em questão de tempo presente) a ofertar, e os códigos comuns entre nossas linguagens hoje são tão restritos que temos dificuldade até em nos fazermos entender.

Por isso, a melhor chance que temos hoje é encarnada pela articulação das Mulheres Unidas Contra o Bolsonaro. Uma unidade que se forja a partir da ameaça de avanço do conservadorismo (e de um projeto ultraliberal que vem à reboque), mas que tem potencial para se consolidar e vir a assumir uma atuação mais "propositiva", no sentido de emplacar mudanças estruturais na sociedade. Câmbios de fundo que impactem no imaginário coletivo a respeito do que é ser mulher e do seu direito ao seu corpo, e que resultem na consolidação de dispositivos como a legalização do aborto, em que seja garantida a destinação de recursos coletivos para disponibilizar, a toda e qualquer mulher, todas as condições necessárias para a realização do procedimento de forma segura e gratuita. A derrota do Bozo e de toda a ameaça conservadora com viés protofascista que ele encarna passa necessariamente por este fronte. Mesmo com suas eventuais contradições (todos os movimentos têm), é a mobilização das mulheres que de fato traz em si uma potencial frente de ataque a um dos pilares do conservadorismo - o patriarcado. Mais do que a resistência hoje, é na organização das mulheres que encontramos o grande vetor de mobilização social do século XXI, e é para elas que devemos concentrar toda nossa energia e disposição militante.

É nessa trincheira que há possibilidade de acúmulo de força social com perspectiva de mudança na correlação de forças e avanço para o andar de baixo na luta de classes. Por isso, mais do que apertar números nas urnas, o que mais iremos fazer?

Nossa militância estará engrossando o caldo das mobilizações neste dia 29 de setembro. Tomar as ruas do país para resistir aos ataques feitos pelas elites ao nosso povo! São milhares de mulheres dizendo #elenao e unificando a luta feminista contra os retrocessos nos direitos e o conservadorismo.

CONVOCAMOS PARA A LUTA POPULAR, POR DEMOCRACIA DIRETA!

bolivia / peru / ecuador / chile / gender / opinion / analysis Sunday September 30, 2018 04:09 byBree Busk

The first of a two part series on looking at anti-capitalism feminism in South America and with a wealth of concepts and analysis that we can draw from in the US. Part two will include the article in pamphlet form for download and distribution. See below for a glossary of terms.

A Feminist Movement to End Capitalism: The Rise of Multisectoral Feminism in Chile

I. A Feminist Fall

It’s May of 2018 and as winter descends on Santiago, Chile, something new is growing. Graffiti blooms on every surface and the wheat-pasted posters accumulate on the walls like leaves on the ground. This is a familiar site to any Santiaguino; it marks the beginning of a new cycle of struggle for one of the major social movements. Student issues are always well-represented, but you are just as likely to spot a slogan in support of a Mapuche political prisoner or a poster advertising the latest day of action from the Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras No+AFP (the coalition organized against the corrupt Chilean pension system). However, if you step closer, you will notice that there has been a shift in theme, tone, and frequency: feminism is on the rise, and while there may be messages of sorority in abundance, they are sharpened by an intense anger directed squarely at those who have wielded patriarchal power against the women of this country.

NO es NO. YO TE CREO. PRACTICA LA VENGANZA.

NO is No. I believe you. Practice revenge.

When I walk to work in the morning, I run into marches or the evidence of their recent passing. It’s not unusual to hear the echoes of distant drumming bouncing down the wide streets of Downtown. On social media, friends and acquaintances are making posts that have transitioned from cautious inquiries to joyous declarations: “Is the downtown campus of PUC occupied?” “Was UCEN taken over?” “Instituto Arcos on feminist strike!” Every week, I spot a new collection of feminist banners hung from the fences of Santiago’s most prominent institutions. All the universities are falling to the feminist strike and somehow, it only feels like the beginning.

II. The Water is Rising

When I arrived in Santiago in 2015, I was nothing short of starstruck by the Chilean feminist movement. As a North American accustomed to the moderate, anemic social movements of the US, I wasn’t prepared to witness the sheer numbers that would mobilize for almost any cause. I marvelled at the variety of organizations that filled the marches and snapped photos of every spray-painted slogan. I teared-up at the sight of fathers carrying their children on their shoulders during the demonstrations against gendered violence. I was sure that I was witnessing a strong, unified feminist movement for the first time in my life. It took me years to realize that I was viewing events through the lens of my political experience in the US: what I took for a well-developed expression of feminist power was, in reality, quite fragmented. Behind the scenes, conflicts were erupting in every sphere of the Left. Most organizations were struggling to change their sexist internal cultural (with differing degrees of success) while others were experimenting with new political forms and ideas. Many female radicals were resigning from traditional Leftist groups, often in favor of joining or starting feminist separatist projects. It was a time of great instability, but also a time of great political potential. The frustration and outrage felt by women, trans people, and queers were clearly intensifying, but the tension had yet to find release in a mass, popular movement. Everyone could feel something coming, but no one was sure which combination of events would finally crack the dam. Even now that the tsunami has hit, feminists are still struggling to analyze the moment in which they have found themselves. This process will doubtless be ongoing, but I believe that several contributing factors can be identified: the surge in global feminist visibility, the parallel ascensions of other social movements, and the pressure exerted on all Chileans and indigenous people through the continued application of the neoliberal policies instituted since the return of democracy.

First of all, Chileans are very aware of international political trends, especially those arising in other Spanish speaking countries. For that reason, you will see significant upsurges in Chilean feminist activity in response to global events. The #metoo movement in the US and its equivalent in Spain, #yotecreo (“I believe you”), aligned neatly with Chile’s history of funas, a tactic where people congregate around the homes of public figures in order to denounce and shame them for human rights violations or patriarchal violence. Known originally as an escrache, this tactic was developed in the mid-1990’s by HIJOS, an Argentinian organization consisting of the children of those “disappeared” during the dictatorship, and has since been adapted in many other countries. Funas or escraches are tools used when people believe there is no other recourse for justice, which is often the case with individuals who escaped criminal prosecution for the roles they played during their respective military dictatorships. Unfortunately, this also applies to abusers who, absent a community intervention, are often free to live their lives and perpetuate their violent behavior without experiencing any social or legal consequences.

In the current era, funas have gone digital and young women bravely post photos of their bruised faces on social media accompanied by explicit accounts of their abuse. Celebrities, musicians, and politicians have come under fire, but so have former romantic partners, friends, co-workers, and classmates. Young Chilean women are naming names and sharing screenshots. I can’t help but notice that the photos documenting intimate injuries are now frequently interspersed with selfies of smiling young men with damning captions: SEXIST. ABUSER. RAPIST. Another common slur is “macho de izquierda (sexist Leftist),” which is used to call out male Leftists who exhibit the same anti-feminist behavior as their right-wing counterparts. These funas serve not only to visibilize the daily struggles of young women, but to create social and political consequences for those who have done wrong. It is clear that perpetrators of gendered violence will no longer be given quarter: not at school, not at work, and certainly not in political spaces.

A war cry against misogynistic violence, #NiUnaMenos (“not one [woman] more”) is a slogan that originated in Argentina and resonates strongly with Chilean feminists who are all too familiar with the prevalence of femicide. At home or abroad, it seems like every week brings new headlines about a woman being murdered out of violent jealousy or as a punishment for stepping beyond the traditional limitations imposed on her by society. For example, June 25th 2018 marked the two year anniversary of the death of Nicole Saavedra, a young lesbian from a rural, religious community who was kidnapped, tortured, and murdered by unknown assailants. Family members and the feminist network that has taken up the cause have stated that they feel the investigation of Nicole’s death was neglected due to the lack of importance placed on the lives of women, lesbians in particular. This is a recurring theme for Chilean feminists, who are met with resistance from both the government and media when they insist on the existence of femicide as a unique category that cannot be simply understood or combatted in the same way as other homicides.

The persistent themes of domestic abuse, sexual violence, and femicide have been targeted by organizations such as the Red Chilena Contra la Violencia Hacia las Mujeres (a network dedicated to the eradication of violence against women and girls) and the Coordinadora #NiUnaMenos (the ‘Not One More’ Coordinator or NUM), which successfully instigated massive mobilizations throughout 2016 and into 2017. In May of 2018, the latter called for a “march against rape culture” in response to reports of the rape of a young woman by a gang of football fans and the horrific rape and murder of a 2-year-old girl at the hands of her uncle. The story of young Ambar’s death lit up the media not only due to its gruesome character, but because it served as a grim reminder that as of 2017, half of the reported victims of sexual violence in Chile are under 14 years old. Unfortunately, the news continues to deliver up dead women and girls and even the most terrible crimes are swiftly forgotten by the public. For many, the fight against apathy and resignation is a struggle in and of itself. In Chile, remembering is not only about personal reflection. Rather, it is political process that prevents the loss of collective knowledge and preserves the memory of martyrs. Contemporary feminists use the politicization of memory in the same way as the older generation who lived under the dictatorship: by honoring victims of femicide through art and political struggle.

In late 2017, the struggle against femicide and gendered violence converged with the nascent immigrant rights movement with the death of Joane Florvil, a young Haitian woman who was accused of abandoning her infant daughter and was subsequently arrested and held in detention until her death 30 days later. As a recent migrant who didn’t speak Spanish, Joane was placed in a position of hyper-vulnerability, unable to explain her actions to the police or to defend herself against their accusations. Her crime was being a black migrant and mother in a country that is quickly learning to see her and others like her as an invading force. Joane was neither the first nor the last migrant woman to suffer or die from xenophobic discrimination, but the notoriety surrounding her case was so great that the image of her tear-streaked face as she was led away in handcuffs has come to stand as a symbol of the cruelty of the Chilean state towards the rapidly expanding migrant population — an antagonism exacerbated by anti-black racism and misogyny. Joane is remembered by her church, her community, and her partner, also a Haitian migrant, who gave a heartbreaking interview last May in which he famously said, “Chile taught me misery.” This tragedy continues to motivate those struggling to defend and improve conditions for migrants, as demonstrated by the recent founding of the Escuela Popular Joane Florvil, a popular education initiative designed to provide free Spanish languages classes to Haitian women. Joane’s memory is also honored through the Coordinadora 30 de Septiembre (the September 30th Coordinator), a pro-migrant and anti-racist organization named in commemoration of the day Joane died in the hospital without knowing justice or being reunited with her baby. With the passage of a new decree that singles out Haitians for a more restrictive immigration process, conditions will only become more precarious for this vulnerable group and feminism may come to be the lens through which these crises are understood and confronted.

The themes of income disparity, reproductive labor, and precarity at home and in the workplace have been taken up most notably by the Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras No Más AFP (the National No More AFP Workers’ Coordinator or No+AFP), the massive coalition organized to reform and/or replace the corrupt pension system installed during the dictatorship. While not immediately recognizable as a feminist formation, this movement has been propelled forward by female trade unionists (among others) and hasn’t hesitated to highlight how women are uniquely disadvantaged under the current capitalist system due to gender-based income disparity and the uncompensated nature of work in the home (only 48.5% of women participate in the formal job market and on average earn 31.7% less than men). This movement is a national phenomenon, but it is also grounded in neighborhood and zonal formations where neighbors and co-workers meet to discuss and advance the struggle. Whereas the feminist wing of the student movement presents itself as young and transgressive (imagine: balaclavas, body-paint, and performance art), the women of No+AFP are less ostentatious in their mobilizations. However, this doesn’t mean they are any less aggressive in demanding their rights. In fact, many of them are seasoned militants active in neighborhood assemblies, labor unions, and political parties. The tension emerges when the feminism of the labor movement and poblaciones (shantytowns or working-class communities) intersects with the feminism of the student movement, which has largely, but not exclusively, been developed in the context of the most politicized high schools and universities. Certainly there is a vast gulf of experience between poor, rural Chileans and those who are able to attend the best universities in the capital city of Santiago, but it is the project of every social movement to identify the common threads capable of binding these groups together across and through their diverse experiences.

The neoliberal policies instituted under the dictatorship and expanded on by subsequent right-wing governments have touched the lives of all Chileans and indigenous people, and not with a soft hand. When seen from this perspective, the movements against privatized education, privatized social security, privatized healthcare, neoliberal labor reforms, and state violence (particularly against indigenous people) have everything to gain from recognizing and acting on their complementary objectives. This multisectoral approach is exemplified by the national organization Movimiento Salud para Todas y Todos (Healthcare for All Movement or MSpT), which unites healthcare workers, medical students, and patients to demand healthcare as a public right. They pursue this goal through many diverse campaigns, including support for Mapuche hunger strikers, improvement of patient conditions, public health education workshops, and the decriminalization and expansion of abortion rights. In the language of the Chilean Left, sectors are defined areas of struggle, such as labor, territorial (grounded in land and community), and student. Multisectoralism means having a cross-sectional analysis of these social movements and developing relationships of solidarity across these sectors, resulting in multisectoral support for specific demands.

The multisectoral movements of today reflect the experiments and advances of the past, as evidenced by the Revolución Pingüina (the high school student uprising in 2006), which opened the door for students to collectively interrogate the dynamics of oppression in other spheres of their lives. This heritage is clearly visible in contemporary political formations such as MSpT and the feminist organization La Alzada, which emerged from the student movement and went on to focus its political energy in the labor sector, where it offered anti-sexist trainings and supported the union struggles of both local and immigrant domestic workers. La Alzada was one of many university-based organizations empowered by the demand for an educación no sexista (non-sexist education), which was formulated in the peripheries of the student movement but went on to be a major force in shaping all struggles occurring within the educational sphere.

The student movement has proven itself to be remarkably flexible, capable of incubating new ideas and putting them into practice at a rate that the traditional Left can only watch with envy. One of these ideas was “sexual dissidence,” a radical answer to the neoliberal politics of inclusion and diversity. Popularized within the student movement by such groups as Colectivo Universitario de Disidencia Sexual (Sexual Dissidence University Collective or CUDS), sexual dissidence denotes “constant resistance to the prevailing sexual system, to its economic hegemony and its postcolonial logic” and rejects the idea of subversive identities (gay, lesbian, queer, trans, drag, etc.) in favor of subversive analysis and action. The result is an inclusive, combative politics that cannot be easily co-opted or institutionalized, no matter how many privileged individual participants are peeled away by token reforms. Since the theorization and practice of sexual dissidence developed in conjunction with the growth of student feminist activity, there is a significant movement tendency (concentrated in the capital city of Santiago) that has proved resistant to trans exclusive radical feminism or other regressive forms of feminist thought. This positive influence is visible in popular feminist assemblies and public demonstrations where trans and nonbinary feminists show up in far greater numbers than can be seen in the US and even hold leadership positions in their various organizations.

Contemporary Chilean feminism is refreshingly experimental and resilient, grounded in historical Leftist analysis, but open to integrating new theories and tactics as they emerge on the global level. By maintaining a class struggle orientation and infusing their analysis with lessons learned from Black and indigenous feminisms, this generation of feminists has created an opening for themselves to advance the struggle much farther than was previously considered possible. However, there are a number of forces that stand in ideological opposition to feminism and seek to sabotage the movement at every opportunity.

III. Co-option, Fascism, and Threats From Within

The first threat comes from the Piñera administration, which is actively seeking to defuse and institutionalize the feminist movement by rolling out reforms under the banner of neoliberal gender equality. His proposed projects include ending the rule prohibiting women from remarrying until 270 days after the dissolution of their first marriage, instituting a project of “sala cuna universal” which entitles mothers with formal, salaried employment to childcare, introducing the right to breastfeed and the right to accompaniment for those with vulnerable pregnancies, and providing additional resources directed to the prevention of teen pregnancy, among others. This is the carrot dangled in front of political moderates, while the stick is represented by harsh new policies which seek to further criminalize both migrants (especially those with either Haiti or Colombia as countries of origin) and Mapuche (the indigenous people who inhabit central and southern Chile as well as parts of Argentina) who are locked in conflict with the Chilean state over issues of autonomy and land recovery.

Piñera’s neoliberal strategy can be understood as the “gentler” institutional approach when compared with the borderline fascist positions taken by contemporary far-right politicians such as congressman and failed presidential candidate José Antonio Kast, whose 2017 campaign drew support from conservative, libertarian, nationalist, pinochetista (supporter of the former Pinochet regime), and retired military groups, among others. He took traditional conservative stances against abortion and gay marriage, but stirred controversy by publicly declaring Chilean transgender actress Daniela Vega was “a man” and stating in an interview that he wouldn’t hesitate to shoot any criminal that entered his home. Together with his “law and order” approach towards illegal immigration and crime, these positions made him an inspirational figure to members of far-right groups organizing on the grassroots level. While it is presently unacceptable for a politician to openly identify as a pinochetista, it is no secret that many people in positions of governmental power were active supporters of the military government and benefited greatly from that participation. On the streets, however, fascists have no such reservations about making their violent agenda known and are increasingly bold in their mobilizations. The ascent of nationalist and ethno-suprematist movements in the US and Europe has given Chilean fascists a feeling of increased legitimacy and the threat of organized political violence against Black migrants and mobilized feminists is transitioning from empty posturing on social media to real violence on the streets.

Unfortunately, the final and possibly most potent threat comes from within the movement itself, which has been plagued by ideological splits and power struggles. After instigating massive mobilizations throughout 2016, the Coordinadora NiUnaMenos (NUM) effectively tore itself to pieces. The first split came as a result of the actions taken by Pan y Rosas (Bread and Roses), one of the larger member organizations, which acted in defense of a distant member of their partner political organization (Partido de Trabajadores Revolucionarios or Revolutionary Workers Party) accused of sexual harassment. After receiving considerable blowback for this stance, they attempted to use their numbers to force NUM to throw its support behind one of their besieged members, Bárbara Brito, who was serving as vice president of the Student Federation of the University of Chile (FECh). This blatant power-grab resulted in their expulsion from the coalition, but tensions remained high. Political factions had coalesced around two main tendencies: the feminists who promoted and were members of mixed gender political organizations and the anti-organizational feminists who rejected participation in all mixed organizations in addition to traditional Leftist groups or parties. The latter took a hardline position, going as far as accusing their opponents of being mere mouthpieces for the male members of their respective organizations. The atmosphere grew toxic and political debate devolved into bullying and personal attacks.

A second crisis rapidly emerged, stemming from a funa publicized through the NUM Facebook page. One of the rapists outed in this process threatened legal action and, instead of pursuing a collective response to this threat, a member of the anti-organizationalist faction chose to turn over the names of the page administrators to the police. This individual went on to make a deal with the rapist where NUM would publicly apologize for the funa and retract the charges against him. Before this series of events had finished playing out, the remaining pro-organizational feminists collectively determined that the coalition was no longer a safe or productive vehicle for their politics and chose to make their exit.

This rise and fall was mirrored throughout the Chilean Left, as the constant flood of funas and unsatisfactory disciplinary or transformational justices processes fragmented the smaller groups and caused deep rifts in the larger ones. For some, the disintegration of NUM must have been a cruel disappointment, especially after experiencing such a vibrant resurgence of feminist activity. However, the women who had discovered political affinity while navigating the myriad conflicts of NUM were far from despondent. On the contrary, the adversity they experienced forced them to hone their political analysis and articulate fresh alternatives to the positions and practices they opposed. These lessons were transmitted to the surviving mixed organizations and in this way, the metaphorical blood shed in this difficult period came to fertilize the soil from which the next stage of the movement would grow. As the dust finally began to settle at the close of 2017, some feminists continued to turn to groups of friends or separatist spaces to do their politics, while others began to grapple with the project of defining feminism as something transversal, multisectoral, and far more ambitious than what had come before.

IV. Naming the Moment

Thus we arrive in January of 2018, with a mosaic of social movements, leftist parties, cultural collectives, neighborhood assemblies, and politicized individuals repositioning themselves to confront the new political landscape unfolding as the Piñera administration prepares to take power. Feminists are freshly outraged at the appointment of Isabel Plá (an anti-abortion right-wing extremist) to lead the Ministry of the Woman and Gender Equity and International Working Women’s Day is fast approaching. It is in this context that the Coordinadora 8 de Marzo (March 8th Coordinator or C8M) met to discuss the coyuntura (the combination of factors and circumstances that characterize a situation in a determined moment) of Chilean feminism.

C8M is an open coalition with a deceptively simple mission: to bring together a variety of social organizations, labor unions, and individual feminists to plan the annual march associated with its name. Every year, veteran participants and newcomers must coalesce around a common analysis of the state of feminist struggle and identify a theme capable of uniting a heterogeneous and conflictual movement. Recent years have highlighted the deadly effects of patriarchal violence with slogans such as “all the women against all the violence” and, of course, #NiUnaMenos. However, naming the moment in a way that speaks to women’s struggles in all their diversity is no small task.

As most modern feminists will admit, there is no universal experience of womanhood or gender-based oppression. Each individual stands at a unique intersection of identities and associated oppressions, a conclusion that has led some feminists to divide the movement into ever smaller organizations in order to insulate the hyper-oppressed from the moderately oppressed. When toxic dynamics produced by racism or transphobia divide the movement, a separatist approach is more than justified. That said, a potent movement is, by necessity, one that weaves together women of diverse backgrounds and experiences into a force capable of challenging patriarchal power on a systemic level. The feminists of C8M, many of whom were veterans of the conflicts of the #NiUnaMenos era, knew that isolationist separatism was a dead end for their political objectives. To build the movement they all felt was necessary, they needed to find the common thread that passed through the lives of all working-class women and gender dissidents: something to bring people together instead of tearing them apart. Towards this end, they adopted a transversal feminist approach.

Transversal politics is an organizational method designed to generate collective identity in non-hierarchical coalitions across and through the diverse positionalities of their members. In fact, these very differences are considered an asset, since it is only through analyzing a problem from multiple perspectives can “the truth” be ascertained. This method seeks to avoid the excessive universalism of the Left (which flattens differences, often in an ethnocentric and exclusionary manner) as well as the excessive relativism of contemporary identity politics (which are often essentialist and substitute individual identity for collective identity). Furthermore, transversal politics are not at odds with intersectionality (an analytic framework to understand the intersecting nature of systems of oppression and exploitation). Rather, they are an application of that theory in an inclusive coalition setting. In Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment, Patricia Hill Collins writes of how transversal politics show how we can remain rooted in the unique struggles of our own group while finding commonality with others experiencing a different facet of the same oppression. In order to build bonds of solidarity across our differences, “Empathy, not sympathy becomes the basis of coalition.” C8M would come to define two commonalities through which to channel this politicized empathy: the experience of individual and structural violence and the condition of working for others. The latter was interpreted in a broad way, acknowledging that women’s labor takes many forms, both salaried and informal, and must be visibilized in all places it occurs. This analysis opened the door for feminist struggle on all fronts, permeating all social movements positioned against capitalist exploitation and state oppression. It was possible, they posited, that feminism itself could become the commonality to unite and reinvigorate the Left as a whole.

What slogan could possibly speak to this common condition of labor exploitation and violence in all its myriad expressions? This year, C8M decided, feminists would mobilize “Against the Precaritization of Life” in solidarity with the call for an international women’s strike. This theme spoke to the effects of 30 years of neoliberal policies instituted in Chile after the return to democracy. While not always explicit in their targeting of women, the result of these policies was the further immiseration of a group already placed at a historical disadvantage. Whether a Mapuche on her ancestral territory, a student in the classroom, a worker on the job, a mother or care-taker maintaining her home and family, or an immigrant building a new life in a strange land, all women have felt the sting of intimate or structural violence and the systemic stripping of their autonomy and resources. C8M went on to identify four areas in which this slogan would enable the recognition of our interconnected struggles: racism and territory, salaried labor and social security, sexual and reproductive rights, and sexual dissidence. This year’s march would, by necessity, weave together the territorial organizations of the poblaciones, the zonal formations of NO+AFP, the typical female-dominated trade unions, the myriad student feminist organizations, immigrant organizations such as 30 de Septiembre, and many, many more, essentially representing a complete picture of Chilean social movements, all united through feminism.

This convergence of struggles was evident on March 8th 2018, when a never-ending stream of feminists of all ages, races, and genders overflowed the streets. I chose to follow the boisterous immigrant contingent and joined in the chants of “Mujeres migrantes, la lucha está delante! (Migrant women, the struggle lies ahead!)” and “Chilena o extranjera, la misma clase obrera! (Chilean or foreigner, the same working class!)” Although I didn’t have the words to describe it at the time, I could feel that something significant had shifted, that forces were coming into alignment. Months later, members of C8M would reflect that they knew discontent was rising in the universities as early as their first meeting in January. That said, few could have anticipated the feminist wave, better described as the feminist tsunami, that would sweep away schools and universities throughout the country just a few short weeks later.


Bree Busk is an American anarchist living and working in Santiago, Chile. As a member of both Black Rose Anarchist Federation (USA) and Solidaridad (Chile), she is dedicated to building international coordination across the Americas. She currently contributes to movements in both countries through art, writing, and providing the invisible, reproductive labor that organizations need to survive and flourish.

If you enjoyed this article we also recommend by Bree Busk “A Conservative Threat Offers New Opportunities for Working Class Feminism” and the critical anarchist feminist piece, “Breaking the Waves: Challenging the Liberal Tendency within Anarchist Feminism,” also authored by Busk together with Romina Akemi.


Glossary of Terms

Administradoras de Fondos de Pensiones (AFPs): Private financial institutions responsible for the administration of the funds of individual pension saving accounts. This system was installed during the Pinochet dictatorship, under the advisement of the “Chicago Boys.”

Coordinadora: A coordinating organization, umbrella group, or coalition

Coyuntura: The combination of factors and circumstances that characterize a situation in a determined moment.

Educación no sexista: A demand for an educational environment free of institutionalized patriarchy, especially gender or sexuality-based discrimination. Since the initial emergence of this demand in 1981, it has been picked up again and again by the student movement, evolving and deepening throughout the process.

Funa: A tactic where people congregate around the homes of public figures in order to denounce and shame them for human rights violations or patriarchal violence.

Macho de izquierda: A slur used against male Leftists who exhibit the identical patriarchal behavior to their right-wing counterparts.

Militant: A disciplined member of a political party or group

Multisectoralism: A term used in
the Chilean Left. The three main sectors are labor, territorial, and student movement. Multisectoralism means having a cross-sectoral analysis in offering solidarity support for demands and actions in other sectors. The Mapuche struggle is also considered another sector, but autonomous. The environment, feminism, and colonialism are not considered separate sectors but rather transversal issues that must be addressed in all sectors.

Población: Poblaciones are best understood as a shantytowns or poor, working-class neighborhoods. However, poblaciones around Santiago have a deeper political significance since they evolved as land takeovers by people who migrated from the countryside to the city. Some poblaciones have strong political and Leftist traditions, such as La Legua, Villa Francia, and Nueva Amanecer.

Sexual dissidence: Popularized within the student movement by such groups as Colectivo Universitario de Disidencia Sexual (Sexual Dissidence University Collective or CUDS), sexual dissidence denotes “constant resistance to the prevailing sexual system, to its economic hegemony and its postcolonial logic” and rejects the idea of subversive identities (gay, lesbian, queer, trans, drag, etc.) in favor of subversive analysis and action.

Ελλάδα / Τουρκία / Κύπρος / Φύλο / Ανακοίνωση Τύπου Saturday September 29, 2018 18:04 byΕλευθεριακή Συνδικαλιστική Ένωση

Καλούμε κάθε εργαζόμενο/η, άνεργο/η να πάρει θέση ενάντια στη φασιστική πανούκλα. Μέσα στα σωματεία, τους χώρους δουλειάς, τις γειτονιές, τα σχολεία και τις σχολές μας υπερασπιζόμαστε το δικαίωμα των από κάτω στη ζωή! Για να μη νικήσει ο φόβος και το μίσος! Για να ανθίσουν οι πολύχρωμες εργατικές κοινότητες και η αλληλεγγύη απέναντι στη βαρβαρότητα!

Την Παρασκευή, 21 Σεπτέμβρη μέρα μεσημέρι ο Ζακ Κωστόπουλος πέφτει νεκρός σε ενεχυροδανειστήριο της ομόνοιας μετά από ανελέητο ξυλοδαρμό από τον ιδιοκτήτη του μαγαζιού, έτερου μαγαζάτορα και αστυνομικών παρουσία και άλλων ατόμων που απλά κοιτάνε το θέαμα(με τη λαμπρή εξαίρεση ενός ανθρώπου που προσπαθεί να τους εμποδίσει). Στη δικογραφία που μεταβιβάζεται στον εισαγγελέα δεν αναφέρεται τίποτα από όλα αυτά ούτε και στις μαρτυρίες των αστυνομικών και του ιδιοκτήτη. Ο χώρος της δολοφονίας δεν περιφράσσεται και ο ιδιοκτήτης καθαρίζει το χώρο καταστρέφοντας κάθε στοιχείο. Τα ΜΜΕ σκυλεύουν τη μνήμη του νεκρού διαδίδοντας ψεύδη. Το ίδιο και ακροδεξιά στοιχεία τα οποία γράφουν οργανωμένα σχόλια( κυρίως μέσα από fake προφίλ) στα μέσα κοινωνικής δικτύωσης και στο ίδιο το προφίλ του Ζακ Κωστόπουλου όπου πανηγυρίζουν για τη δολοφονία του και υβρίζουν το νεκρό μη σεβόμενοι ούτε καν το πένθος των δικών του ανθρώπων.

Μέχρι να αποκαλυφθεί η ταυτότητα του δράστη δημοσιογράφοι και φιλήσυχοι πολίτες ξερνούν το μίσος τους για τα χαμηλά κοινωνικά στρώματα δικαιολογώντας την αυτοδικία και πρακτικές λιντσαρίσματος κατά των μικροπαραβατικών και των τοξικοεξαρτημένων την ίδια ώρα που έμποροι σκληρών ναρκωτικών και κλέφτες δημόσιου χρήματος είτε έχουν ΜΜΕ οι ίδιοι είτε εξυμνούνται από αυτά. Μετά την αποκάλυψη ότι πρόκειται για γνωστό και ιδιαίτερα αγαπητό αγωνιστή υπέρ των δικαιωμάτων της ΛΟΑΤΚΙ κοινότητας και άρα είναι πιο δύσκολο να αποκρυφτεί η αλήθεια αρχίζει μια πιο έμμεση στοχοποίηση και στην πρώτη γραμμή βγαίνουν οι ναζιστές που κάνουν συγκέντρωση με εμετικά συνθήματα κατά των ομοφυλόφιλων και των χρηστών ναρκωτικών στο σημείο της δολοφονίας.

Να μη συνηθίσουμε το Θάνατο και την κοινωνική ανθρωποφαγία! Να υπερασπίσουμε τη μνήμη του δολοφονημένου Ζακ Κωστόπουλου από τους κάθε λογής υβριστές του!

Καλούμε κάθε εργαζόμενο/η, άνεργο/η να πάρει θέση ενάντια στη φασιστική πανούκλα. Μέσα στα σωματεία, τους χώρους δουλειάς, τις γειτονιές, τα σχολεία και τις σχολές μας υπερασπιζόμαστε το δικαίωμα των από κάτω στη ζωή! Για να μη νικήσει ο φόβος και το μίσος! Για να ανθίσουν οι πολύχρωμες εργατικές κοινότητες και η αλληλεγγύη απέναντι στη βαρβαρότητα! Η Ελευθεριακή Συνδικαλιστική Ένωση καλεί σε συμμετοχή σε όλες τις συγκεντρώσεις και διαδηλώσεις που γίνονται ανά την Ελλάδα ενάντια στις προσπάθειες συγκάλυψης της δολοφονίας του Ζακ Κωστόπουλου.

ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΑΚΗ ΣΥΝΔΙΚΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΕΝΩΣΗ (ΑΘΗΝΑ, ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗ, ΡΕΘΥΜΝΟ, ΗΜΑΘΙΑ, ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΑ)

southern africa / workplace struggles / non-anarchist press Saturday September 29, 2018 07:27 byInternational Labour, Research & Information Group

The International Labour, Research & Information Group (ILRIG) along with the forty-one (41) community, labour and other civil society organisations, gathered in Johannesburg for the 16th Annual Globalisation School, condemn in the strongest possible terms the violent repression of the legitimate protest engaged in today by casualised/contract workers at the Ekurhuleni Municipality. The protest was organised by the Simunye Workers Forum (SWF), who are part of the School.

Public/Media Statement

Stop the repression of casualised/contract workers in Ekurhuleni!

Respect the right to protest!

27 September 2018
The International Labour, Research & Information Group (ILRIG) along with the forty-one (41) community, labour and other civil society organisations, gathered in Johannesburg for the 16th Annual Globalisation School, condemn in the strongest possible terms the violent repression of the legitimate protest engaged in today by casualised/contract workers at the Ekurhuleni Municipality. The protest was organised by the Simunye Workers Forum (SWF), who are part of the School.
The protestors gathered in front of the Ekurhuleni Municipality today, in the latest instalment of a 4 year struggle by over 3000 waste management and EPWP workers (the majority of whom are women) to achieve permanent work job status and all associated benefits. The workers have journeyed through the CCMA as well as the Bargaining Council and are now waiting for a date at the Labour Court.
At the protest today, the workers were simply requesting that the Mayor come to meet them and respond to their demands. Not only did he refuse but the police then proceeded to violently attack the protestors with tear gas, rubber bullets and buckshot. As a result 44 people were injured and had to be taken to hospital. In addition, 3 women protestors were arrested.
Along with the SWF, all of the 100+ delegates at the ILRIG School demand the immediate release of those arrested and for the police personnel responsible for the completely disproportionate use of violence to break up the legitimate protest, to be held accountable.

PHANSI POLICE REPRESSION AND VIOLENCE!

VIVA THE SIMUNYE WORKERS FORUM!

For more information contact:
William Gundwane (Simunye Workers Forum): 072 898 7476
argentina/uruguay/paraguay / movimiento anarquista / opinión / análisis Friday September 28, 2018 03:43 byFederación Anarquista Uruguaya

La Carta Opinión de la Federación Anarquista Uruguaya del mes de setiembre 2018.

A fortalecer la organización popular para profundizar la lucha

CONSEJOS DE SALARIOS

Dos ejemplos claros de cómo las patronales vienen por todo: uno, los despidos en Saman argumentando que la producción ha descendido, cerrando una planta de acopio en Río Branco cuando aún quedaba trabajo y se reorganiza la producción en otra localidad y que la Asociación de Cultivadores de Arroz se levantara de la mesa de negociación de los Consejos de Salarios, luego de haber propuesto un 0% de aumento salarial . Dos, el fuerte trancazo patronal en Conaprole para destruir conquistas sindicales denunciadas como "privilegios" por parte de la patronal. Esos dos ejemplos hablan a las claras de las pretensiones patronales: rebajas salariales, sindicatos inexistentes o débiles, del trabajo a destajo y sin límite horario, etc. Volver a las condiciones laborales del siglo XIX si pudieran, tal como han logrado sus pares burgueses en la región con los brutales recortes de Temer y Macri.

Por ahora aquí presionan y juegan pensando en la campaña electoral. Pero están obteniendo réditos concretos: esta ofensiva de clase no es frenada por el gobierno; apenas un tibio debate pero que no coloca medidas concretas para tocar los intereses patronales. Tampoco se le logra poner freno desde el movimiento popular, más allá de casos concretos y peleas que se dan, no existe hoy la suficiente solidez y movilización para parar a las organizaciones populares firmes frente a esta embestida patronal. Para algunos actores también pesa la campaña electoral.

Lo que está en juego es el procesamiento del ajuste. A la uruguaya, pero de un ajuste al fin, que seguramente se despliegue luego de las elecciones y tenga en 2020 -21 un impacto importante en las clases populares. La única forma de evitar el ajuste es con lucha y arrancando conquistas. Y el ejecutor del ajuste, el que lo lleve a cabo, puede ser cualquier gobierno, del signo que sea. La única variante sería la mayor o menor gradualidad del mismo.

LA SITUACIÓN ECONÓMICA

Los Consejos de Salarios tendrán escaso impacto sobre la situación económica, ya que por más que se superen las pautas de negociación del Poder Ejecutivo, no habrá una redistribución de riquezas ni nada por el estilo. Con suerte, algunos sectores compensarán la inflación.

Pero fundamentalmente, la situación económica del país se está deteriorando a pasos continuos. La economía aún crece, pero cada vez hay menos puestos de trabajo en la industria. Se calcula que globalmente hay 50 mil puestos de trabajo menos. Muchos esperan la "salvación" de UPM, inversión millonaria que impactará sobre el PBI y en un segmento del empleo seguramente, pero que no modificará las condiciones generales de la situación económica y social (al contrario, la agravará en el largo plazo) y que entregará aún más al capital extranjero a un importante sector de la economía (puerto, ferrocarriles, etc.) y de los bienes naturales (agua, tierras).

Esa "inyección de capitales", sólo prolongará un poco más en el tiempo la actual situación económica, pero el deterioro general de la misma no se frenará. Es más, seguramente esa "inyección de capitales" de UPM será un verdadero puente hacia el exterior, ya que prácticamente nada de los insumos con que se construirá la planta se fabricarán en el Uruguay, con lo cual aumenta la dependencia económica y se socavan las posibilidades de trabajo en el país. Estos proyectos ya vienen diseñados desde el extranjero y así se aplican.

Pero el otro factor interesante, es como ciertos actores "neutros", economistas de ciertas consultoras burguesas de prestigio, hacen sus proyecciones económicas, pintando un panorama de nubarrones, pero las "medidas económicas" que proponen, son lisa y llanamente, descargar el ajuste sobre el pueblo.

Veamos: el primer punto es delimitar los Consejos de Salarios a una negociación por empresa y a nivel general sólo discutir salarios mínimos por categoría; otro eje es reducir el déficit fiscal no permitiendo el ingreso de funcionarios públicos durante 4 o 5 años, con lo cual el Estado "se ahorraría" dos puntos del PBI. Otros proponen directamente reducir fuertemente el número de funcionarios públicos. Con ello, se liquidarían ciertos servicios y otros podrían ser privatizados. ¿No se reducirían más de dos puntos si se rebaja el presupuesto del Ministerio del Interior que se lleva el 9% del PBI y se desmantelan las FFAA?

Otro eje fundamental es aumentar los impuestos, pero sobre los trabajadores: el IVA, el IMESI y el IRPF, pero que no es recomendable sostienen, aumentar el IRAE, único impuesto específico patronal "porque las empresas no tienen rentabilidad suficiente". Toda una política impositiva de clase: no tocar las ganancias patronales y hacer pagar al pueblo.

Y la frutilla de la torta: devaluar, seguir el camino de Argentina y Brasil para "mejorar la competitividad", abaratando costos de la mano de obra. Con el consiguiente aumento de precios y sus consecuencias sociales. Toda una política social a favor de la burguesía rural, principalmente. Prácticamente los mismos planteos se escucharon en el cierre de la Expo Prado de parte de la Asociación Rural.

LA CAMPAÑA ELECTORAL A FULL...

Largaron con todo a inicios de año. En estos meses, con la situación arriba señalada, aparecen las precandidaturas. En el Partido Nacional ya hay seis precandidatos, el FA aún no los ha definido pero aparecen nombres insólitos, hasta en el Partido Colorado la puja es feroz. Novick sigue incólume. Pero todavía hay tiempo para que siga la danza de nombres. Básicamente hay dos discursos: por el cuarto gobierno del FA o el centrado en la gestión eficiente, empresarial. Nada de programas y grandes debates. El espacio de gobierno se ha reducido a eso: a gestionar. Y por añadidura a eso ha sido reducido el espacio de la política, vaciando de contenido toda propuesta y debate político general. Ese rol ideológico que cumple hoy la campaña electoral, el de bastardear la noción de política en sentido amplio, centrando todo en la politiquería barata burguesa, también tiene efectos en el campo popular. Se desalienta así toda participación de los de abajo en los debates de fondo y la lucha de clases, se mella la capacidad política del pueblo y se lo torna un mero espectador y receptor de un discurso vacío.

Pero ella también demuestra, que la clase política es una mera gestora del poder burgués; ni siquiera tiene que debatir y pensar cómo va a gobernar, ya viene el recetario, que tan solo admite unas pequeñas variantes en algunos ingredientes. Pero lo sustancial ya está.

Nos espera más de un año de venta de candidatos; pero en todo este período estarán ausentes las necesidades populares: el salario, la educación, la vivienda, el trabajo, la salud, sólo servirán de decorado a las marquesinas de los candidatos. Pero para los de abajo, las elecciones no nos indican nada ni marcan los tiempos o límites para luchar por nuestros derechos y reivindicaciones.

RUIDO A SABLES...

Desde su asunción como Comandante en Jefe del Ejército, Guido Manini Ríos viene realizando declaraciones de neto corte político. El proyecto de ley de la Reforma de la Caja Militar y la votación del mismo en el Senado, han disparado las reuniones y declaraciones del Centro Militar y otros organismos de retirados militares (muchos de sus integrantes vinculados a la dictadura), pero también de Manini Ríos que ha salido a cuestionar el proyecto y a hacer política en defensa del Ejército. Sus dichos y publicaciones en las redes tienen un tufillo golpista, entre otros saluda frecuentemente al Ejército de Brasil y a su Comandante, el General Villas Boas, que ha manifestado la posibilidad de una intervención militar y ha opinado fuertemente sobre la política interna de su país.

Manini Ríos viene de una familia de la más rancia oligarquía, perteneciente a los sectores más reaccionarios del Partido Colorado, con integrantes la Juventud Uruguaya de Pie como Hugo Manini Ríos, otrora presidente de la Asociación Rural y aliado en múltiples instancia del gobierno del FA, dueños de diarios golpistas como "La Mañana" y "El Diario", etc. Una familia ejemplar...ejemplarmente fascista.

La sanción que el Poder Ejecutivo impuso a Manini Ríos por sus dichos públicos, ha desatado una andanada de declaraciones y movimientos, sobre todo de los retirados militares y del propio Ejército, en respaldo a Manini. Circularon una serie de audios donde algunos militares señalan movimientos de reservas, ir a recibir a Manini Ríos al aeropuerto el lunes 17 y otras acciones que se desarrollarían en días pasados. Más allá de que buena parte del contenido de dichos audios sea descabellado o de improbable ocurrencia real, no deja de ser preocupante que circulen este tipo de audios y sobre todo: ¿quién los hace circular?, ¿quién ideó e hizo estos audios y con qué finalidad?

El propio Manini se ha encargado de pedir que nadie lo vaya a recibir y de bajar el perfil de estas manifestaciones, lo que señala la veracidad de alguno de estos audios y movimientos.

Esto demuestra que el Ejército y los retirados militares no están quietos, no se están en los cuarteles tomando mate tranquilos. Están operando, como operaron desde 1985 espiando sin que nadie se enterara, a todo el movimiento popular. El Ejército es una institución que no admite modificaciones en su seno: hoy lo dirigen los mismos apellidos que participaron de la dictadura. Es una institución cerrada, oligárquica y con un claro espíritu de cuerpo y de clase. Cualquier movimiento político del Ejército o de los retirados militares es preocupante y hay que estar alertas, ya que una vez que el Ejército comienza a opinar luego continuará con otras acciones y ya sabemos por nuestra historia reciente, cómo finalizan estos procesos.

Peor aún, cuando desde el propio sistema político se respalda a los militares, y ya no sólo lo hacen los partidos tradiciones. El ex presidente José Mujica salió a respaldar a Manini Ríos diciendo que "estuvo bien: los soldados no tienen sindicatos y no se pueden manifestar, por lo que alguien tiene que defender sus intereses". Mujica omite que tampoco el Comandante del Ejército se puede manifestar y si se le permite ello, habilita a que el Ejército haga política abiertamente. Pero refleja la política pro miliquera de la conducción del MLN, iniciada en las conversaciones del Batallón Florida en 1972, continuadas con las reuniones con la Logia "Tenientes de Artigas", logia militar fascista y a la cual pertenece toda la cúpula actual del Ejército, colocada allí por Eleuterio Fernández Huidobro y una acérrima defensa de esa institución.

La entonación de la "Marcha de Tres Árboles no sólo muestra la adhesión de la cúpula militar al Partido Nacional y respaldo a Manini Ríos (que pertenece a dicho partido), sino también una clara manifestación de los movimientos que se dieron en su interna en estos días.

LA REGIÓN

Fue en Argentina donde directamente los empresarios decidieron tomar el gobierno. El equipo de gabinete de Cambiemos reunía (y reúne) a lo más selecto de los gerentes de las multinacionales instaladas en la vecina orilla. Incluso varios apellidos de la rancia oligarquía porteña y varios personajes que participaron de gobiernos anteriores a la crisis de 2001.

La historia parece repetirse, pero con algunas ligeras variantes. Sin embargo, las medidas que ha tomado Macri y su séquito, son muy similares a las tomadas por Cavallo y otros, y ya se habla de un posible futuro default (cesación de pagos). Por ahora, el dólar ha trepado a los 40 pesos argentinos, beneficiando a los sectores agro- exportadores -ya beneficiados desde el siglo XIX por ser la base social de la economía del país-, se viene destruyendo la industria, son incontables los despidos y ceses de trabajadores, los recortes en el presupuesto público, etc.

El conflicto que viene desplegando el pueblo mapuche en reclamo de sus tierras ancestrales, ha tenido como respuesta desde el Estado la total militarización del sur del país y la extradición a Chile del Lonko Facundo Jones Huala, referente de la resistencia mapuche, a pesar de una activa campaña en Argentina y en el exterior para evitar dicha medida. Este hecho se suma al asesinato de Santiago Maldonado y Rafael Nahuel.

Los de arriba continúan jugando fuerte. El 12 de este mes fue secuestrada una docente en Moreno, sur de Buenos Aires. La compañera Corina de Bonis fue secuestrada y torturada por un grupo de clara orientación fascista y de odio a los de abajo: "no a las ollas" le tatuaron con un objeto punzante en su abdomen. ¿Quiénes integran esos grupos? Está claro que intentan amedrentar para desmovilizar, pero la respuesta debe ser más movilización y las mayores demostraciones de solidaridad de los pueblos latinoamericanos.

La pregunta es: ¿cuándo estalla Argentina? Las movilizaciones populares son grandes y van en aumento. Se multiplican los paros sectoriales y hubo recientemente un gran paro general. El vendaval neoliberal viene con todo pero hay un pueblo dispuesto a hacerle frente. Allí sin dudas, se abrirán posibilidades de transitar nuevos caminos para los de abajo, construyendo Poder Popular y nuevas perspectivas de avance de los oprimidos.

En Brasil en cambio, las elecciones son el mes próximo y no hay certezas de qué ocurrirá. Unas elecciones convocadas por los golpistas donde ni siquiera está planteada una mínima "apertura", sino por el contrario, lo que está en juego es cómo profundizar el modelo neoliberal y el ajuste. La burguesía brasilera no tiene el control total de la situación política; la inestabilidad ha ganado el escenario, pero lo cierto es que el gobierno que emerja -cualquiera sea- va a gobernar en beneficio de los industriales de San Pablo y los ruralistas.

La corrupción, tema que vuelve repetidamente colocado por los propios corruptos, no es el principal problema de Brasil ni de la región. La corrupción, es un fenómeno inherente al sistema capitalista; está en sus genes. Por ello, no hay gobierno que escape a un esquema mayor o menor de corrupción. Asombra su magnitud, pero no es el tema central, sino que con él se desvía el foco de atención del problema real, que es el saqueo constante de riquezas y recursos que realizan las clases dominantes y las multinacionales a nuestros pueblos.

El pueblo brasileño encontrará a través de sus luchas un camino propio, un camino que no es el de las urnas sino en el del pueblo en la calle y en el campo, ocupando los espacios de lucha y desarrollando la acción directa popular.

En Colombia el movimiento popular sigue sufriendo la violencia paramilitar. Son asesinados día tras día, militantes sociales y otros reciben amenazas. Ello se ha incrementando desde la conversión de las FARC en fuerza electoral, dejando amplios espacios del país libres para el avance paramilitar, de los narcos y el Ejército colombiano.

Venezuela sufre otro claro intento de agresión, esta vez de la mano del uruguayo Almagro. "En cuanto a intervención militar para derrocar al régimen de Nicolás Maduro creo que no debemos descartar ninguna opción". Almagro como Secretario General de la OEA profundiza la política imperialista histórica de dicho organismo y de neto corte fascista y viene jugando fuerte la carta de un golpe militar y si no es posible, la invasión lisa y llana. Cabe recordar que Almagro fue el Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores del gobierno de Mujica, y éste lo promocionó para dicho cargo.

Y AQUÍ, CÓMO SEGUIMOS?

Es casi como preguntarse, cómo zafamos de la campaña electoral que todo lo tritura. ¿Cómo continuamos luchando? En lo inmediato hay dos batalla importantes: la lucha salarial y la campaña de firmas contra la Ley de Riego. Hay que llegar a las firmas necesarias para plebiscitar esa ley y derogarla, tarea que reúne al movimiento sindical, a las organizaciones barriales, estudiantiles y sociales en general en una campaña o tema común y que puede ser un eje de aglutinamiento social de cara a otras peleas, un espacio de confluencia por abajo.

En lo salarial, será tarea de los sindicatos unificar las luchas, medidas en conjunto y otras movilizaciones que eviten las peleas por separado, la fragmentación y el debilitamiento de las organizaciones sindicales en un momento donde las patronales están envalentonadas y vienen a aplastarnos.

Es momento de ir confluyendo, de ir aglutinando, de encontrarse en la pelea y reconocerse como hermanos de clase. Y es momento de ir construyendo las herramientas para la Resistencia.

Los tiempos que vienen son duros y dura ha de ser la lucha. A ir haciendo músculo y practicando la solidaridad, los conflictos no se resuelven en los pasillos de la Casa de Gobierno, se resuelven en las calles.

Fortalecer las organizaciones populares, dotarlas de planes de acción inmediatos y de mediano plazo, nutrir de elementos el debate de la militancia, son las tareas prioritarias del hoy.

¡¡POR LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE PODER POPULAR!!
¡¡ARRIBA LOS QUE LUCHAN!!

FEDERACIÓN ANARQUISTA URUGUAYA

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#Nobastan3Causales: seguimos luchando por aborto libre en Chile

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