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iberia / repression / prisoners / non-anarchist press Friday November 10, 2017 18:02 byDick Nichols

Judge Carmen Lamela of Spain's National High Court – direct descendant of the fascist Franco-era Court of Public Order – took the war of the Spanish state against the Catalan pro-independence government to a new level of judicial violence on November 2.

It was not enough that the two leaders of the Catalan mass pro-independence organizations the Catalan National Assembly (ANC) and Catalan cultural and language association Omnium Cultural, were already in jail. It was not enough that the Catalan government had been sacked on October 27 under article 155 of the Spanish constitution. Now the deposed ministers had to be humiliated.

Facing charges of rebellion (up to 30 years jail), sedition (up to 15 years jail) and misuse of public money, eight of the ministers were sent into preventive detention, supposedly to prevent them destroying evidence and fleeing the Spanish state.

The decision immediately provoked a new huge storm of protest across Catalonia. There were demonstrations outside town halls and the country's parliament and a deafening evening cassolada (banging of pots and pans). A planned November 12 demonstration in Barcelona looks set to be oceanic.

The minority, but rapidly growing, Intersindical-CSC trade union confederation has already called a general strike in the coming days.

The judge's action was immediately denounced by Catalan President Carles Puigdemont, who is in Belgium with his remaining four ministers. It is expected they will soon be subject to a European arrest warrant, but it is far from certain that the Belgian legal system will return them to the Spanish state.

December 21 Poll

The detentions will also impact the debate within Catalonia's pro-independence and pro-sovereignty parties over the snap December 21 elections. The new elections were called by Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy as part of his plan to marginalize the Catalan independence movement.

Rajoy announced his intervention under article 155 of the Spanish constitution on the same day the Catalan parliament officially declared an independent republic. In the aftermath, a war of position was almost universally expected: Rajoy and Co would move to behead the Catalan government, sack its senior executives, purge the Catalan police, public broadcasting and education systems, offer election bribes to parts of the population and then – and only then – risk regional elections.

No other strategy seemed possible in a country where unionism (“constitutionalism” to its supporters) had won less than 40 per cent of the vote at the September 2015 “plebiscitary” Catalan elections that put pro-independence forces into government. So it was a surprise for all sides when Rajoy moved with lightning speed – for the first time in his political life – to call Catalan elections for December 21.

Three main factors determined this decision to go early. Firstly, confidence that the considerable body of pro-Spanish voters who traditionally don't vote in Catalan elections could be mobilized by a hysterical campaign against secessionism. Secondly, hope that the pro-independence camp will split between those favouring a boycott of December 21 and those who support standing. The third and most pressing need was to end, once and for all, the international debate about the legitimacy of recent Spanish state actions (such as sacking an elected government).

The biggest risk with Rajoy's move is that it could create unity among the often fractious pro-independence and pro-sovereignty forces. This could occur behind an election campaign to validate the Catalan Republic declared by parliament on October 27, or behind a broader campaign to oppose Madrid's 155 coup and build support for a Catalan right to decide.

At the time of writing, the Spanish People's Party (PP) government's hope of provoking a split between pro-independence forces in favour of a boycott and those who will stand on December 21 looks to be failing. This seems especially so after Puigdemont announced at an October 31 Brussels media conference that the Catalan independence movement was not afraid of the ballot box.

The November 2 jailing of the ministers only makes a more united approach by forces deciding to stand more likely. The conservative nationalist Catalan European Democratic Party (PDECat) and the centre-left nationalist Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), partners in the outgoing Together for the Yes (JxSi) ruling coalition, had previously both announced they would “meet Rajoy at the polls.” Media reports suggest opinion within the anti-capitalist pro-independence People's Unity List (CUP) was also swinging that way.


The initial gut response of many pro-independence activists on hearing about Rajoy's election announcement was to say the independence movement should boycott. This reaction did not just come from the CUP (whose MP Mireia Boya tweeted that it would be an ideal day for a community paella).

Members of PDECat and the ERC also condemned Rajoy's elections as ‘illegitimate’. David Font, PDECat mayor of Gironella, said: “Let's see if these elections Rajoy wants to have on December 21 he doesn't have to have in the streets, because the councils aren't going to provide halls.”

Joan Manuel Tresserras, close to the ERC and a former Catalan culture minister, told the daily Ara on October 30 that pro-independence forces should “certainly not” run on December 21.

He added: “Another thing would be if it wouldn't be right to call the constituent elections [envisaged in the Catalan Law of Jurisdictional Transition] and, if necessary, even have them on the same day as those called by the Spanish government.

“It is important that the government make a proposal and that this be discussed and agreed with the CUP and the other components of the pro-independence bloc. If The Commons [Catalunya en Comu, the left-wing party of Barcelona mayor Adu Colau that supports the right to decide but not necessarily independence] are there too, all the better.”

Impact of Madrid's Coup

However, these sorts of projections were quickly invalidated by the real state of play in Catalonia resulting from Madrid's coup. That brought the Catalan independence advance, and all the future projections arising from the October 27 independence declaration, to a halt.

The declaration of the independent Catalan Republic was, without doubt, an inspiring and proud moment for hundreds of thousands of Catalans. It was the result of a decade of struggle culminating in the extraordinary David-over-Goliath achievement of holding the October 1 referendum under assault from 10,000 Spanish state police.

It was also something that older generations of militants thought they would never live to see. Now the Catalan Republic lives in the hearts and minds of millions, and the Catalan struggle exists as never before as a spectre haunting European, and even world, politics.

Yet, just one week after the Spanish state takeover, most of the institutional structures of the Catalan Republic have been demolished:

The Catalan police have been brought under the control of the Spanish interior ministry and their previous chief sacked;
Police protection was withdrawn from Puigdemont and his ministers;
All Catalan diplomatic missions have been terminated, with the exception of Brussels, where the Catalan representative to the European Union has been sacked;
All Catalan agencies associated with the transition to independence have been closed down;
The parliament has been suspended, a state of affairs accepted by speaker Carme Forcadell; and
Puigdemont, his ministers, Forcadell and the other members of the speakership panel who allowed debate and the vote on independence face charges of rebellion and sedition.
In this situation, calling for the Puigdemont government to implement the resolutions attached to the declaration of independence is not realistic. His cabinet is in no condition to make them operative.

The impossibility of building and defending the institutions of the fledgling Catalan Republic after the Rajoy coup has made taking part in the December 21 poll inevitable: the thought of what the PP and Citizens would do with Catalonia's institutions if they got their hands on them ultimately makes a boycott unthinkable.


However, the political force of the Puigdemont government has not vanished. The president's October 31 Brussels media conference with five of his ministers, attended by 300 journalists, was proof of that.

Puigdemont appealed to the world about the basic questions at stake in the Catalan struggle: Do the Catalans have a right to self-determination? Is the Spanish constitution and legal system democratic? Was the October 1 referendum binding?

The goal of the conference was to appeal to the ordinary citizens of Europe over the heads of the European institutions that have lined up with the Rajoy government. This aimed at raising pressure for negotiations and dialogue, which several European leaders have talked about.

Puigdemont said he would accept the result of the December 21 election and challenged Rajoy to do the same. He also challenged the European Union and the international community to support Catalonia's right to self-determination.

He denounced the legal action taken against his government for doing what it promised to do, and repeated the commitment of the government, pro-independence parties and mass movement to non-violent methods – even while calling on Catalans to resist Madrid's assault on Catalonia's institutions.

Puigdemont was also explaining to independence supporters in Catalonia thrown by the Madrid coup how the strategic position had changed, as well as putting the Spanish political and legal system on trial.

The beheading of the Catalan government in no way means popular resistance has ended, as the November 2 protests showed.

If the managers imposed from Madrid move against Catalonia's firefighters, railway workers, teachers, health workers and other public servants, they will likely run into a wall of non-cooperation. They will face resistance organized through the most active trade union confederation and the Committees to Defend the Republic.

The country's 750-plus pro-independence councils (out of a total of 947) will also continue to project the symbols of the Catalan Republic and organize what disobedience they deem possible in their “liberated zones.”

Approaches to December 21

This reality has led all pro-independence and pro-sovereignty forces in Catalonia – with the possible exception of the CUP that will decide its approach on November 12 – to accept the need to stand in Rajoy's “illegitimate” December 21 election.

Before November 2, it seemed unlikely this campaign would see a new edition of the JxSi alliance between PDECat and ERC. This was despite ANC and Omnium Cultural pressing for a single pro-independence ticket, potentially headed by Jordi Sanchez and Jordi Cuixart, the jailed leaders of these mass organizations.

The right nationalist PDECat has been the big loser from the independence process (and is now down to 10% in the latest polls compared to 31% for its once junior partner the ERC). The mood in PDECat has been one of wanting to recover conservative Catalan voters unnerved by the independence process's leftward shift.

Former business minister Santi Vila, who publicly opposed the October 27 independence declaration, has put himself forward as the leader of this “moderate independentism.” He will, however, be opposed by other PDECat leaders who remain loyal to Puigdemont and the independence process.

The ERC scheme for December 21 has been that of a “republican front” that excludes PDECat, while trying to attract unaffiliated independence activists and, in particular, Podemos Catalonia. Led by Albano Dante Fachin, Podemos Catalonia has fallen out with the Podemos leadership in the Spanish state over the latter's refusal to ally with any pro-independence forces for December 21.

As for the campaign of Catalunya en Comu, it will be led by Xavier Domenech (presently leader of En Como Podem in the Spanish parliament). Its central theme will be defence of Catalonia's institutions against Madrid's intervention.

Podemos Catalonia, which is not part of Catalunya en Comu, has raised the possibility of a united campaign by all forces – pro-independence or not – that support a Catalan right to decide and oppose Rajoy's planned destruction of Catalan autonomy.

However, Podemos Spanish-wide general secretary Pablo Iglesias publicly opposes an alliance with pro-independence forces. He judges it would destroy any chance of Catalonia en Comu winning support from working-class unionist voters – in Catalonia and across the Spanish state. Their vote would go to the PSC or even the new-right Citizens.

On October 29, the Podemos’ Spanish-state leadership instructed Podemos Catalonia to hold a membership poll with the question: “Do you support Podemos standing in the December 21 elections in coalition with Catalunya en Comu and related political forces that do not approve either the declaration of independence or the application of article 155, with the word Podemos in the name of the coalition and on the voting paper?”

The Iglesias leadership is almost certain to win this ballot – which Fachin is boycotting – but that result won't solve the challenge that the November 2 arrests have dramatized.

That challenge is how to maximise support for pro-independence and pro-sovereignty forces in the face of what is certain to be a brutal campaign aimed at scaring every last doubter about Catalan independence to vote for the unionist parties.

To stand a chance of defeating it, Catalunya en Comu will have to do more than just saying, as it has to date, “neither 155 nor the unilateral declaration of independence.”
iberia / imperialism / war / opinion / analysis Thursday November 09, 2017 18:14 byAitor Tarradellas

An introductory article about the situation of Catalonia and the position of some Catalan anarchists.

If some of our Spanish comrades cannot understand the complexity of our position neither can the worldwide fellas. I'm writing this article with my very best English to try to explain the position of a lot of anticapitalist Catalans who support the Catalan Republic. 

I'm a member of Embat, a political organization centered on Catalonia who works for social anarchism, so my position comes from this point of view. Some details will not be shared by other positions, such as other anarchists or the left independentist movement (Arran, Endavant, CUP...), but, for what I've seen and heard, there are a lot of similarities.

For what I've seen, there's a lot of ignorance about the participation of the social movements in the Catalan process and every argument is reduced either to nationalists causes or parliamentary actions. First, I'll try to explain the political history of Spain and Catalonia, and then, give you my point of view of what have happened this days and our opinion of this.


As you should know, Spain has been ruled, for 40 years of democracy, mainly by two parties. The first is Partido Popular (or PP) that represents a wide spectrum of the right and its fundators were members of Franco's government. The other party is Partido Socialista Obrero Español (or PSOE) that represents a left-center position after abandoning the Marxist ideology. 

For more than 30 years, nothing have really changed in an deep way in the Spanish state and a popular claim in the Left is that these parties represent the '78 Regime, in reference of the Constitution of 1978 that is still active. 

In 2011, after three years of financial crisis, the Occupy movement (called in Spain 15-M movement) appeared and it was an opportunity for different parties to grow, mainly Ciudadanos (a liberal political party) and Podemos (a left-wing party). With Podemos, a lot of smaller left-wing parties joined them into coalitions to win the municipal elections of 2015. After winning on Barcelona and Madrid, Podemos and the other political parties tried to do the same in the general elections of 2016. Unfortunately, this coalition didn't work, PP won the elections and Podemos got the third position (the second one was for PSOE, of course). 

The main social movement in Spain these days is Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (or PAH), a housing rights movement very close to Podemos. They've done a great work stopping evictions and drove an initiative for housing rights but it was dismissed by the PP government.

So, for now, the only alternative in Spain is represented by Podemos and a possibility of a left coalition in the general elections on 2020. Nevertheless, in the main polls, Podemos is losing votes and PP keeps growing.


In Catalonia, the '78 Regime have its own two-party system protagonists: Convergència i Unió (or Ciu) the wide right-wing party and Partit Socialista de Catalunya or PSC, which is the Catalan federation of PSOE. 

In 2011, the Catalan people also joined the 15-M movement and Ciudadanos and Podemos also appeared in the Catalan political spectrum but with less influence. Also, Candidatura d'Unitat Popular (or CUP) appeared as the left independentists party with a clear anticapitalist and feminist approach. The independentists movement started to grow with the creation of the Assemblea Nacional Catalana (or ANC) and the growth in popularity of Òmnium Cultural and the huge protests during the national Catalan day on the 11th of September. These two organizations have national-independentists ideals and are very close to the main independentists coalition Junts Pel Sí. This candidacy rules now the Catalan government have members of the civil society but also from other independentists parties such as Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (or ERC) and CiU. 

So, before the referendum, the only great alternative in Catalonia against the '78 Regime was represented by this independentist movement which have no social content. 

At that moment, we understood that we couldn't fight the nationalist ideals neither create an anticapitalist alternative. Nevertheless, we supported the idea that a fracture in the structures of the '78 Regime in Spain could be an opportunity for the anticapitalists collectives to grow, as people will get closer to radical ideals and practices. So, we supported the referendum and the independence without many enthusiasm.

The defense of the Referendum

With the PP government trying to ban the referendum and the possibility of a large scale repression, things changed drastically. On the 20th of September, the Spanish police tried to enter into the CUP headquarters and arrested some official workers from the Catalan government. Also, some Spanish unionists protests started to happen, with the participation of many fascist groups.

In many villages and neighborhoods, the left indendentist movement started the creation of Comitès de Defensa del Referèndum (or CDRs) which are local popular comittees to defend the neighborhoods and electoral colleges from the Spanish police and fascists. 

We understood that this independentist movement had become something more than a nationalist or parliamentary movement. It had become a social movement, diverse and with a lot of potential. As anarchists, we thought that, it would be better for our movement to participate in these comittees, so we should have and opportunity to propose our practices and ideas and relate with people that normally see us as freaks. In our neighborhoods and villages we also started or joined the CDRs. 

For example, in the neighborhood of Vallcarca (Barcelona), the anarchists were one of the firsts to propose the creation of a local comittee. The main squatted social center became the headquarters of the comitee and the reunions were made in assembly, taking turns and being as horizontal as possible. 

Also, the alternative worker unions (mostly CGT, COS and IAC) started to talk about a general strike in the 3rd of October in order to answer in case of a big repression.

On the day of the referendum, the Spanish police attacked with brutal violence some of the election colleges, causing nearly a thousand injured in Catalonia, but the comitees answered with direct action methods. Trucks and vehicles from the rural areas blocked the way for the police, people hid the urns, change it for fake ones, made human walls, organized the communication and the care for the injured, etc. There was an universal census for the referendum (we could vote in wherever college we wanted) so there was a great coordination within the comittees to redirect the voters to other closer colleges. At the end, the participation for the referendum was on the 42% and only the 14% of electoral colleges were closed although nearly 20000 Spanish policemen were deployed in the Catalan territory.

The general strike started two days later with ANC, Òmnium Cultural and some employer organizations joining. In front of the cameras, the strike had none labour content, but it had been driven by the alternative unions. Neither CCOO and UGT, the main Spanish unions, were part of the strike.

On the next days we saw the rising of the fascists in many protests that ended up with some people injured in Barcelona, Valencia and Mallorca with the total complicity of the Spanish police and government. On the other hand, the CDRs have started to grow and increase, becoming a local defense spot for the declaration of independence. However, ANC and Òmnium Cultural still have an important influence over the movement that we must dispute.

Our position for now on

What we've seen these days is the polarization of the Spanish and Catalan society into more radical positions, a political fracture that is nowadays represented by the declaration of the Catalan Republic and the suspension of the Catalan autonomy with the 155th article of the Spanish Constitution. We have a great portion of the independentists movement turning to the left and some worker organizations trying to maintain this pulse with the right wing parties. 

We have also a rising of the fascism, mostly in the Spanish territory and there's no movement capable of confronting it. Podemos is trying to have a kind profile in order to win the next elections (they are confronting both the declaration of independence and the Spanish government repression).

In Catalonia, we must keep pushing for the defense of the Republic from the CDRs. In order to create a great left pole, we must start talking about the constituent process that follows the declaration of independence. This could mean the empowering of the anticapitalist organizations and the regaining of rights for the workers, the women and the environment. Maybe we have an opportunity of having something more that another liberal European state.

We also understand that this fracture can be an expansive wave into other movements to grow in Spain and Europe, so we think that defending the Catalan Republic from a left-wing point of view in Europe could mean in the growing of the popular movements around the continent. I think that's the reason the Kurdish movement is supporting us. 

So I wrote this to explain our position, but also to ask for solidarity in a political level. Please, spread the word with other anticapitalists, feminists, ecologists, anarchists and other radical leftist and keep fighting.

Ελλάδα / Τουρκία / Κύπρος / Φύλο / Ανακοίνωση Τύπου Thursday November 09, 2017 04:11 byΑναρχική Συλλογικότητα mⒶnifesto

Δεν τρέφουμε αυταπάτες για τους απολογητές της έμφυλης βίας που διατρανώνουν με διάφορα μέσα τον δήθεν αντισεξισμό τους, με σκοπό το «ξέπλυμα» μιας σειράς περιστατικών που συγκαλύπτονται και θάβονται.
Καμιά ανοχή στους θύτες της πατριαρχίας και τους απολογητές τους, είτε δικαστές και μπάτσοι, είτε συγγενείς, φίλοι, γνωστοί, είτε «σύντροφοι», είτε οικογενειάρχες και «καλά» παιδιά.

Υπερασπιζόμαστε το δικαίωμα στην αυτοάμυνα

«Στις 23 Ιουνίου 2016 στην Κόρινθο, η Π. αντιστάθηκε σ’ έναν επίδοξο βιαστή που την παρενόχλησε σεξουαλικά, άσκησε βία και απείλησε εκείνη και την ανήλικη φίλης της. Τον μαχαίρωσε με το μαχαίρι που κρατούσε για λόγους αυτοπροστασίας, μιας και βρισκόταν ανά περιόδους άστεγη. Εκείνος πέθανε και η Π. προφυλακίστηκε. Το δικαστήριο δεν της αναγνώρισε σχεδόν κανένα ελαφρυντικό και καταδίκασε την 22χρονη Π. στις 27 Σεπτεμβρίου 2017 στο Μεικτό Ορκωτό Δικαστήριο του Ναυπλίου σε 15 χρόνια κάθειρξης για το κακούργημα της ανθρωποκτονίας από πρόθεση σε ήρεμη ψυχική κατάσταση.

Η Ν. είναι μια νεαρή γυναίκα, η οποία γεννήθηκε στην Αθήνα από γονείς με καταγωγή από την Αφρική. Το περασμένο καλοκαίρι, ενώ δούλευε σε ένα ελληνικό νησί, συναντήθηκε με έναν ελληνο-γάλλο άντρα και άρχισαν να ζουν μαζί, αλλά σύντομα αυτή η σχέση μετατράπηκε σε μια καταπιεστική και βίαιη σχέση, με επαναλαμβανόμενες λεκτικές και σωματικές επιθέσεις. Μια μέρα του περσινού φθινοπώρου, όταν ξεκίνησε ένας καβγάς στο σπίτι τους, η συμπεριφορά του συντρόφου της έγινε πολύ βίαιη σε σημείο που η Ν. φοβήθηκε για την σωματική της ακεραιότητα, και έτσι πήρε ένα μαχαίρι και τον τραυμάτισε με σκοπό να τον ακινητοποιήσει. Τώρα κατηγορείται για ενδοοικογενειακή επικίνδυνη σωματική βλάβη και παράνομη οπλοφορία και οπλοκατοχή. Το πρώτο ακροατήριο είναι στις 8 Νοέμβρη στη Σύρο.

Η Τ. είναι γυναίκα, μετανάστρια, εργαζόμενη και μητέρα. Είχε την κακή τύχη να βρεθεί σε μια κακοποιητική σχέση με έλληνα άνδρα. Σχέση από εκείνες που κάνουν την γειτονιά να ακούει φωνές, καθώς πίσω από τις κλειστές πόρτες εκτυλίσσεται καθημερινά το ίδιο ρεπερτόριο βίας, λεκτικής και σωματικής. Ο «σύντροφός» της την εκμεταλλευόταν και οικονομικά, ενώ παρά τις εκκλήσεις της δεν εγκατέλειπε ούτε τις βίαιες συμπεριφορές ούτε το σπίτι της που οικειοποιήθηκε με το έτσι θέλω. Ένα από τα πολλά βράδια κακοποίησης, μέσα Αυγούστου του 2016, η Τ. αμύνθηκε στη βία που συσσώρευε σημάδια πάνω της. Απάντησε υπερασπιζόμενη την εαυτή της σε πλαίσιο αυτοάμυνας, ενάντια σε μια ακόμα σωματική επίθεση του συντρόφου της. Ο κακοποιητής της μεταφέρθηκε τραυματισμένος στο νοσοκομείο όπου και πέθανε μετά από λίγο καιρό. Η Τ. βρίσκεται προφυλακισμένη εδώ και πάνω από ένα χρόνο και στις 17 Νοέμβρη αναμένεται η δίκη της, όπου έχει να αντιμετωπίσει την κατηγορία της ανθρωποκτονίας.»

(απόσπασμα κειμένου της εκδήλωσης – συζήτησης : Τρεις γυναίκες, τρεις αγώνες – για τη γυναικεία αυτοάμυνα στην Ελλάδα)

Στον κόσμο της πατριαρχίας, στον κόσμο που ζούμε κάθε μέρα, η αντρική βία δεν είναι μεμονωμένα περιστατικά αλλά ένα καθημερινό φαινόμενο που καταπιέζει κάθε άτομο που δεν φέρει το προνόμιο του cis straight, μάτσο άντρα.

Πλέον οι φωνές όσων επέζησαν από περιστατικά σεξιστικών επιθέσεων και σπάνε την σιωπή μιλώντας για τα βιώματα τους, επιβεβαιώνουν τον κανόνα της έμφυλης βίας που διαπερνά τις ζωές μας. Αυτές οι φωνές είναι πολύ λίγες σε σχέση με τον πραγματικό αριθμό έμφυλων κακοποιήσεων…

Όταν μια γυναίκα cis ή trans κακοποιείται ή δολοφονείται, το περιστατικό αποσιωπάται ενώ ταυτόχρονα οι απολογητές της πατριαρχίας σπεύδουν να συγκαλύψουν τον δράστη ή τους δράστες. Όταν μια γυναίκα αμύνεται, όταν δηλαδή βρίσκεται σε αυτοάμυνα απέναντι σε αυτόν που πάει να της επιτεθεί, να την βιάσει, να την δολοφονήσει, καταδικάζεται.

Η Π. πρόσφατα καταδικάστηκε σε 15 χρόνια φυλάκισης επειδή σκότωσε σε αυτοάμυνα τον βιαστή που επιτέθηκε στην ίδια και στην φίλη της, παρά τις κάμερες που είχαν καταγράψει προηγούμενες επιθέσεις του βιαστή. Η Ν. αμύνθηκε στις πολλαπλές κακοποιήσεις τραυματίζοντας με μαχαίρι τον κακοποιητή σύντροφό της και δικάζεται για «ενδοοικογενειακή επικίνδυνη σωματική βλάβη και παράνομη οπλοφορία και οπλοκατοχή». Η Τ. που επίσης αμύνθηκε στις επαναλαμβανόμενες κακοποιήσεις του συντρόφου της τραυματίζοντας και σκοτώνοντάς τον, προφυλακίστηκε και δικάζεται για ανθρωποκτονία. Τρεις γυναίκες που αμύνθηκαν δικάζονται επειδή δεν υπέμειναν το βιασμό, τον ξυλοδαρμό, την κακοποίηση.

Οι γυναίκες αυτές αγωνίζονται απέναντι στον πατριαρχικό ζόφο και τους δικαστικούς μηχανισμούς του κράτους, για το αυτονόητο δικαίωμα στην αυτοάμυνα. Αγωνίζονται για όλες όσες αμύνθηκαν αλλα και για όλες όσες δεν κατάφεραν να αμυνθούν. Αγωνίζονται για όλες όσες επέζησαν σεξιστικών επιθέσεων και κακοποιήσεων από κάποιο καθημερινό άντρα, από κάποιο πρώην ή νυν, συγγενή, γνωστό, φίλο, «σύντροφο», άγνωστο, κουβαλώντας ανοιχτές πληγές για το υπόλοιπο της ζωής τους…

Δεν τρέφουμε αυταπάτες για τους απολογητές της έμφυλης βίας που διατρανώνουν με διάφορα μέσα τον δήθεν αντισεξισμό τους, με σκοπό το «ξέπλυμα» μιας σειράς περιστατικών που συγκαλύπτονται και θάβονται.

Καμιά ανοχή στους θύτες της πατριαρχίας και τους απολογητές τους, είτε δικαστές και μπάτσοι, είτε συγγενείς, φίλοι, γνωστοί, είτε «σύντροφοι», είτε οικογενειάρχες και «καλά» παιδιά.



Βόλος, 7 Νοέμβρη 2017

Αναρχική Συλλογικότητα mⒶnifesto

internacional / economia / opinião / análise Wednesday November 08, 2017 21:41 byBrunoL

As agências de “análise” são empresas privadas dos EUA operando como vetores do cassino financeiro global, gerando a subordinação de sociedades inteiras. Isso ocorre em todos os países do “ocidente” ampliado, sendo que as regiões eurasiáticas sob a influência direta da China, Rússia e Índia conseguem sofrer outras projeções de poder. No caso da América Latina, sofremos hoje uma dupla intervenção, tanto das potências ocidentais – com os Estados Unidos à frente - como da presença chinesa cada vez maior em todas as camadas da economia real. Neste texto, fazemos uma breve digressão no papel de operador político das agências de “análise” na Europa pós-crise de 2008 e depois voltamos ao nosso Continente observando uma das chances desperdiçadas no período anterior.

08 de novembro de 2017, Bruno Lima Rocha
As agências de “análise” são empresas privadas dos EUA operando como vetores do cassino financeiro global, gerando a subordinação de sociedades inteiras. Isso ocorre em todos os países do “ocidente” ampliado, sendo que as regiões eurasiáticas sob a influência direta da China, Rússia e Índia conseguem sofrer outras projeções de poder. No caso da América Latina, sofremos hoje uma dupla intervenção, tanto das potências ocidentais – com os Estados Unidos à frente - como da presença chinesa cada vez maior em todas as camadas da economia real. Neste texto, fazemos uma breve digressão no papel de operador político das agências de “análise” na Europa pós-crise de 2008 e depois voltamos ao nosso Continente observando uma das chances desperdiçadas no período anterior.
Sempre cabe perguntar. O que legitima as agências de risco? Os contratos dos fundos de investimento controlando os maiores volumes de investimento do cassino financeiro global. Em tese – longínqua e distante - as chamadas agências de “análise” de risco produziriam indicadores críveis para investidores interessados em adquirir ações ou dívidas na forma de títulos ou produtos financeiros exóticos gerados por agentes econômicos privados. Isto nas origens, porque a relevância destas empresas de bens simbólicos cresceu. Afirmo que estas agências, a partir das três maiores, Standard & Poor’s (S&P), Moody’s e Fitch Rating são peça fundamental da engrenagem capitalista em sua etapa financeira, reforçando um mecanismo de legitimação que reforça e blinda o papel nefasto que a especulação financeira tem.
Recordando o ataque contra a Europa do Sul forçando o ajuste pós 2008-2009
No auge da etapa de “ajuste“ da farsa com nome de crise, do estouro da bolha imobiliária dos EUA e a venda de derivativos baseados em hipotecas não cobertas, as agências de “análise” reforçaram o empobrecimento do sul europeu. A S&P apontou diretamente suas baterias contra a Europa. Trata-se da mesma agência que até dias antes da falência do Lehman Brothers – em setembro de 2008 – classificava-o como AAA. É um papel semelhante ao aval que a empresa de auditoria contábil Arthur Andersen dera para a empresa de energia Enron, sendo que esta pediu concordata em dezembro de 2001 após o exercício de contabilidade “criativa”. A diferença é que a Arthur Andersen acompanhara a diretoria da Enron direto para uma investigação de fraude corroborada pela auditoria;já a S&P seguiu sem ser muito incomodada pelas autoridades da União Europeia.
Os fatos são reveladores. Em 13 de janeiro de 2012 a S&P rebaixou a classificação da dívida (e dos títulos desta) de nove países europeus, incluindo a França, potência latina da Zona Euro e rival da Alemanha no projeto da Europa unificada. Já em 16 de janeiro de 2012 veio a consequência, com o também rebaixamento do Fundo Europeu de Estabilidade Financeira (European Financial Stability Facility, EFSF, ver ), composto por todos os Estados já depreciados pela mesma agência. Imediatamente, o ex-vice-presidente do Goldman Sachs e então (atual) presidente do Banco Central Europeu, Mario Draghi, pediu celeridade dos países membros na busca por ajustes de austeridade. Vale observar que o ESM, organismo gestor do EFSF, tem sede em Luxemburgo, paraíso fiscal continental e é gerido como um fundo de investimento e “estabilidade” para a Europa pós-2008. Na prática, opera como legitimador da maior transferência de renda coletiva para fins privados da história da humanidade.
O que ocorrera em 2012 é base para o sistema de domínio que segue. Tanto a S&P como o próprio Draghi são, agente e ator, diretamente responsáveis pela fraude com nome de “crise” que até hoje assola a Europa, em especial a “Europa do Sul”. Desaparecera por mágica a relação causal direta do aumento da dívida pública dos países membros, fruto da maior transferência de riqueza em forma financeira e depreciação de renda coletiva, quando os Estados passaram recursos públicos para bancos privados insolventes após haverem negociados derivativos podres.
Quando o movimento por outra globalização expandiu-se, nos anos ’90, uma das bandeiras consensuais era a instauração da Taxa Tobin, onerando a especulação internacional. É pouco. É preciso desmontar o poder de legitimação das instituições financeiras que impõem suas vontades sobre Estados soberanos e governos eleitos, incluindo as agências de “análise”.
A jogatina e a traquinagem não correm sem “riscos” para os influenciadores das roletas dos cassinos. Como era de se esperar, a tentativa de respostas legais e institucionais avançara (se arrastou eu diria) mesmo por dentro das estruturas de poder do ocidente. O procurador do município de Trani, Michele Ruggiero, na região de Milão, abriu – à época - investigação junto ao aparato da Guarda de Finanças (ligada ao Tesouro Italiano, mas com outras funções de polícia) e adentrou em diligência dentro do escritório da referida agência na cidade que consagrara Silvio Berlusconi como presidente de clube de futebol com projeções “populistas de direita”. A S&P e a Moody’s estavam (seguem estando e sempre estiveram) na alça de mira da Justiça da Itália, justamente por fazerem – ou supostamente haverem feito – aquilo que são acusadas: manipulação de dados e julgamentos imprudentes e infundados. A S&P em julho de 2011 e a Moody’s em maio do mesmo ano geraram fatos políticos a partir de relatórios supostamente “técnicos” ainda com o jogo político oficial em andamento (no Parlamento a primeira, e com o mercado em aberto, na segunda). Além do tradicional comportamento de manada, os informes puseram contra a parede a capacidade de mando do próprio governo italiano. As agências de “análise” derrubaram um governo soberano em plena Europa unificada. Imaginem o que não podem fazer – e fazem – com países latino-americanos?
A grande chance perdida para uma nova arquitetura financeira
Nossos países da Semi-periferia poderiam ter medidas de proteção mútua, tais como fundos de emergência e índices de risco (já previstos no Fundo de Resgate e no Banco dos BRICS), por fora das estruturas estabelecidas pela atual hegemonia financeira recebendo ameaças diretas. Este arranjo foi interrompido pela guinada à direita do Brasil. É preciso compreender que a internalização de interesses externos adentra os Estados através das portas giratórias entre o sistema financeiro, a autoridade monetária e as pastas ministeriais formadoras da “equipe econômica”. Assim, por mais surreal que pareça, o balizador das dívidas dos países – e dos papeis de títulos públicos - são índices de empresas privadas de análise de risco (da possível ausência de pagamento), a saber, Standard & Poors, Moody’s e Fitch. Para os organismos financiadores do capitalismo, a informação produzida através destas empresas é considerada superior à coproduzida pelas autoridades de países como Brasil, Rússia, Índia, Indonésia, China e Coréia do Sul. Retirar a absurda legitimidade das empresas de “análise” de risco e, ao mesmo tempo, iniciar acordos multilaterais em busca de novos lastros para além do fator dólar-dólar, tal como uma possível moeda cambial dos emergentes, teria sido um belo primeiro passo. Teria.
O papel das agências de “risco” e sua projeção de interesses na América Latina poderiam ter enfraquecido. A gangorra começaria a pender para outros lados se blocos regionais ou de países, como a Celac, Unasur e Mercosul, e a partir da relação Brasil-África do Sul, forçassem uma nova condição de barganha dentro dos BRICS. Com as viradas à direita no Continente, o inverso foi feito e agora a China aposta em engolir e controlar as possibilidades de produção primária e infraestrutura existentes, concorrendo diretamente com os EUA em sua área de influência direta. A América Latina, com o Brasil à frente, segue sua sina de internalizar interesses externos em nome do “país”. Herança maldita colonial que nos segue assombrando.
Versão atual da Maldição de Malinche, ao invés de “exportar” para a metrópole estanho, cobre, prata e ouro para cunharem moedas europeias, exportamos a riqueza na forma financeira. Vão os dividendos e ficam os compromissos da dívida coletiva. O moderno imperialismo coloca nossas populações no prego.

Bruno Lima Rocha é professor de relações internacionais e de ciência política ( para textos e áudios / para vídeos e entrevistas / para E-mail e Facebook)

russia / ukraine / belarus / history / opinion / analysis Wednesday November 08, 2017 16:21 byJurgo

Kompilaĵo el diversaj verkoj pri la rusa revolucio de anarkiista vidpunkto ĵus esperantigita de Jesús González kaj eldonita de la Biblioteko Mateo Morral (ĜKL de Viladekans', Katalunio)

En 1923, publikiĝis en Santiago de Ĉilio libreto titolita: “La laborista kaj kamparana Rusujo. Io de tio vidita dum vizito al Moksvo”, verkita de Luis E. Recabarren S., komunista deputito. Li rakontas sian viziton el kvardek tri tagoj, kiel delegito por la 4a kongreso de la Komunista Internacio kaj la 2a kongreso de la Internacio de la Ruĝaj Sindikatoj. En la kvara paĝo, li klarigas kial li iris al Rusujo:
Mi iris vidi ĉu la laborista klaso efektive havis enmane la politikan povon per kiu ĝi garantios la konservadon en siaj manoj de la ekonomia povo.

Mi iris vidi ĉu la laborista klaso jam definitive neniigis la tutan ŝtaton de kapitalisma ekspluatado kaj de tiraneco.

Mi iris vidi ĉu la ekspropigo de la ekspluatantoj estis ja tute plenumita en Rusujo.

Mi iris vidi ĉu estus eblo de restarigo de la kapitalisma sistemo.

Kaj en la sekva paĝo, li resumas siajn impresojn:

Kaj mi povis vidi ĝoje, ke la laboristoj de Rusujo efektive havis en siaj manoj la tutan forton de la politika kaj ekonomia povo kaj, ke ŝajnis neeble, ke estu en la mondo forto kapabla senigi al la proletaro de Rusujo je tiu jam konkerita povo.

Krome mi povis konstati, ke la eksproprigo de la ekspluatantoj estas kompleta, tiel ke neniam revenos en Rusujon reĝimo de ekspluatado kaj tiraneco, kiel kiun ni ankoraŭ eltenas en Ĉilio.

Mi povis konvinki min, ke mi ne trompis min antaŭe, kiam mi predikis en ĉi tiu lando, ke la proletaro de Rusujo havas en siaj manoj la tutan povon por realigi sian estontan feliĉon kaj kunigas la elementojn por konstrui la komunisman socion, kiel veran regnon de la sociala justeco.

Mi esperas, ke la nuntempa leganto, bone informita, povas kompreni, ke tiu kompatindulo aŭ trompiĝis aŭ komprenis nenion aŭ ne volis vidi la realon aŭ estis trompita de la bolŝevikoj aŭ... cinike mensogis. Bedaŭrinde multaj aliaj homoj ankaŭ trompiĝis aŭ konscie trompis siajn samtempulojn ade mensogante pri tio okazinta kaj okazanta en la Sovetia Rusujo.

Tri el kvar tradukitoj en ĉi tiu kompilaĵo ankaŭ estis en Rusujo aŭ loĝis en ĝi. Kaj surprize!: ili ne spertis la samon, kiel la komunista deputito. Kaj ili denuncis ĝin per siaj verkoj samkiel faris multaj aliaj rusaj aŭ alilandaj anarkiistoj de post la unuaj momentoj de la revolucia fakto, kiuj kritikadis la subpremadon, la krimojn kaj la devojiĝojn de la “diktatorado de la proletaro” kaj ties bolŝevikaj gvidantoj.

Mallonga historia klarigo:

Ángel Pestaña, historia gravulo de la hispana anarkisindikatista NKL (Nacia Konfederacio de la Laboro), rakontas detale siajn spertojn dum sepdek tagoj en Rusujo, kien li iris kiel delegito de NKL por la dua Kongreso de la Komunista Internacio (KI). Lia celo estis akiri informojn por ke NKL definitive povu konfirmi aŭ ne sian aliĝon al la KI.

Reveninte de Rusujo, Pestaña eĉ ne povis kontakti kun siaj kolegoj ĉar estis enprizonigita en senkomunika reĝimo. Ĉar NKL ne konis la opinion de Pestaña, organizis kaŝan delegitkunvenon en kiu ĉeestis malmultaj aktivuloj, ĉar la organizo suferadis fortan subpremon fare de la diktatora registaro. Tie, serio de pormarksistaj uloj, aliĝantoj al NKL kaj okupantaj postenojn de respondeco en la kataluna regiona sindikato, sin mennomumis kiel membroj de la dua delegitaro, kiu iros al Sovetio por partopreni en la fondo de la Internacio Sindikata Ruĝa kaj en la 3a Kongreso de la Tria Internacio. Eksciitaj la anarkiistaj grupoj pri tio, kio okazis, sukcesis enmeti en la delegitaron Gaston Leval, anarkiisto de franca origino loĝinta en Hispanujo kaj ankaŭ aliĝinta al NKL. Fine kaj konsiderante la konkludojn de la kongreso, la anarkisindikatista konfederacio decidis ne aliĝi al la Komunista Internacio kaj male fari tion al la ĵus refondita, en Berlino, IAL (Internacia Asocio de la Laboristoj). El tiu vojaĝo estiĝas broŝuro, kie la aŭtoro elmetas sian nelaŭdantan opinion pri Lenino.

Aliflanke, Vicente Pérez aktivulo de la barcelona NKL loĝis en Rusujo, kiel politika enmigrinto, kaj rakontas siajn spertojn kaj opiniojn en la tria tradukita verketo.

Finfine de Camillo Berneri, la sola aŭtoro el tiu kompilaĵo kiu ne vizitis Rusujon kaj ankaŭ ne apartenis al NKL, mi tradukis artikolon verkita kiam li loĝis en Barcelono partoprenante en la organizo de kontraŭfaŝistaj italaj volontuloj kaj en la propagando en la itala per la radiostacio kaj gazetaro.

Eble iu pensos, ke ĉi tiun tradukon ne estas necesa hodiaŭ aŭ, ke estas aliaj aferoj pli gravaj ol repiki en la vundon de la fiasko de la komunista rusa revolucio.

Eble aŭ eble ne. Estas tempo, kiam multaj historiistoj de diversaj tendencoj publikigas siajn pli-malpli dikajn volumojn pri la revolucia fakto kaj donas sian pli-malpli senpartian version pri la afero. Tio estas, la rusa revolucio ankoraŭ vivas, almenaŭ en la libroj. Kaj subite oni povas legi maloportunaĵojn diritajn de politikistaĉo, kiel Pablo Iglesias -supera gvidanto de la hispana maldekstra (?) partio Podemos-, kiu senhonte kuraĝis dum debato1 pri la centjariĝo de la sovetia revolucio laŭdi la “bolŝevikan genion”, dirante, ke la rusa revolucio “konstruis politikan teorion por venki”, ke Lenino pruvis, ke “la politiko povas venki la historion” ellaborante “politikan sciencon por tiuj de malsupre pli potencan ol tiu de tiuj de supre” aŭ, ke “Lenino estas genio pri la konkero de la politika povo”. Krome li etendis tiun kvaliton esti “la ŝlosilo, kiu malfermas pordon” kaj “produktas ordon” al la hispanaj komunistoj, kiuj dum la enlanda milito formis “disciplinitan armeon por venki la militon”, serĉis internaciajn interligojn, ktp.

Estas malfacile por mi klarigi kiel kaj kial tiu profesoro de politika scienco kapablas hodiaŭ mensogi samkiel faris la porbolŝevikoj de antaŭ cent jaroj. Ĉu eble ni lernis nenion? Ĉu nekredeble hodiaŭ, 2017, necesas klarigi kaj reklarigi al la homoj, kiu estis la agado de la bolŝevikoj, la aŭtentikaj perfiduloj al la rusa revolucio?

Sed ne gravas, jen estas por la esperantaj legantoj eta kontribuo de kelkaj anarkiistoj al la kompreno de tio okazinta dum la unuaj jaroj de la rusa revolucio, sendube la plej grava okazintaĵo de la historio de la tutmonda proletaro.

Ĉiu deduktu, kion konsideros oportuna.

Fine mi devas klarigi, ke enmetis en ĉi tiun kompilaĵon malgrandan artikolon de Camillo Berneri, kiel eta omaĝo al la malmulte konata itala anarkiisto forpasinta antaŭ ĝuste okdek jaroj dum la enlanda hispana milito, fie mortigita… de la disciplinitaj komunistoj, kiuj tiom plaĉas al la sinjoro Iglesias.

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