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bolivia / peru / ecuador / chile / historia / opinión / análisis Tuesday September 12, 2023 05:10 byAsamblea Anarquista de Valparaíso y Federación Anarquista de Santiago

El terror fue desatado sistemáticamente desde el Estado y cayó la noche sobre la alegría de los pueblos. La contra revolución capitalista se abrió paso brutalmente con una imparable avanzada de muerte, tortura, violencia sexual y desaparición forzada, a la vez que llevaba a cabo la misión estratégica de desarticular todas las expresiones comunitarias en donde la vida fuera resuelta de manera solidaria, colectiva y en autogestión. La dictadura cívico-militar se desplegó tácticamente en múltiples dimensiones para sembrar el miedo en la sociedad, con el fin de desmantelar la fuerza social organizada que había hecho posible la experiencia socialista en la región chilena. Estos procesos de desmantelamiento político, social y emocional de gran parte de la clase organizada han provocado una herida colectiva, profunda y traumática, herida que la impunidad y los pactos de silencio institucionales mantienen abierta hasta el día de hoy y que ha traído múltiples consecuencias en la experiencia vital colectiva de todxs quienes hemos crecido en estos territorios los últimos 50 años y más.

En estos días se conmemoran 50 años del golpe de Estado que dio rienda suelta al terrorismo estatal y patronal, significando años de persecución, tortura, violación y desaparición. Sin embargo, queremos iniciar este documento con un balance de la experiencia desarrollada en los años previos al inicio de la dictadura cívico-militar. Aquel periodo suele asociarse al gobierno de Salvador Allende y a su “vía chilena al socialismo”, no pretendemos extendernos en las claras distancias políticas e ideológicas que nos separan del gobierno de la Unidad Popular (UP), toda vez que lo consideramos un proyecto de modernización capitalista que impulsó la conciliación de clase y el fortalecimiento de los mecanismos estatales de dominación, terminando en el dramático escenario de la dictadura que supuso la pulverización del tejido comunitario, la destrucción de la organización social, el asesinato y tormentos de miles de militantes populares y una profundización en la precarización de nuestras vidas latente hasta el presente.

Por lo tanto, quisiéramos enfatizar en el proceso que se tejía por debajo de las direcciones partidarias, aquel fenómeno que no seguía las pautas de la institucionalidad burguesa y supuso una verdadera amenaza para el orden del Estado y el Capital; hablamos de lxs pobladorxs en las tomas de terrenos y en las Juntas de Abastecimiento Popular, nos referimos a lxs obrerxs en los Cordones Industriales, pensamos en lxs campesinxs en las tomas de fundos y en la alegría popular corriendo el cerco de lo posible, nos referirnos al Poder Popular. Esta capacidad desarrollada por diversos sectores de la clase oprimida, supuso un ejercicio de audacia tremendamente valioso, ya que, en el desarrollo de esta fuerza popular se gestaba una potencialidad capaz de sobrepasar al Estado y plantear un escenario abierto y favorable en la lucha de clases, de allí que el gobierno de Allende no escatimó recursos en iniciar un proceso de institucionalización, cooptación e incluso represión sobre estas expresiones, tratando de desactivar aquella potencia de ruptura revolucionaria.

Sin embargo, no son solo causas “externas” las que debilitaron esta rica experiencia, sino también errores y límites internos que no pudieron ser superados allí donde se apura la historia. El primer traspié fue el burocratismo que operaba sobre las bases populares a partir del comportamiento parasitario de las instituciones estatales y los partidos políticos de la UP, cuestión que se reflejó en la obediencia de las bases a los lineamientos gubernamentales, temiendo, incluso, pasar por encima de Allende aun cuando las fuerzas reaccionarias se preparaban para iniciar el exterminio. Si bien el desarrollo del Poder Popular no es impulsado por el gobierno de la UP, rápidamente, la burocracia institucional inicia un proceso para su cooptación y debilitamiento, por eso, la lección es que ninguna fuerza social puede someterse a un marco gubernamental: el Poder Popular es antiestatal o no será, por tanto, es ineludible rebasar aquellas propuestas políticas que pretenden subyugar el protagonismo de las bases a lineamientos institucionales, tal como hoy ocurre con muchísimos empeños sociales que están completamente sometidos al gobierno de Boric, iniciando procesos de desmovilización y silencio cómplice ante el avance de su agenda represiva, precarizadora y extractivista. La organización popular no debe jamás confiar en un gobierno cualquiera sea su color o signo político, ya que, en la sobrevivencia y fortalecimiento de los pilares de la dominación está nuestra derrota.

El segundo traspié fue la débil coordinación de las diversas experiencias del Poder Popular, dado fundamentalmente por el sectarismo y la política de trinchera de los partidos de izquierda. Estamos convencidxs de que los procesos revolucionarios no le pertenecen a ninguna ideología, partido o movimiento político, más bien, son de lxs oprimidxs que buscan dejar de serlo, por ello, es necesaria la coordinación de los diversos esfuerzos que pretenden trazar el camino de la emancipación, desde perspectivas antiestatales, anticapitalistas y despatriarcalizadoras. Dicha coordinación debe realizarse desde las organizaciones sociales a partir de sus experiencias de lucha, dejando de lado los discursos identitarios y paternalistas. Lo anterior, nos permitirá dotar de perspectiva las luchas del presente y desarrollar, en conjunto con las expresiones organizativas de la clase oprimida, una fuerza capaz de romper el actual tránsito histórico, desechando los atajos institucionales y los personalismos mesiánicos que se nos presentan como barreras en nuestro camino hacia la libertad.

Ya lo dijimos antes, más allá del proyecto de la UP y de la cara institucional de los procesos políticos vividos en los cuales se inscribe el espectacular bombardeo a la Moneda, pensamos que lo que finalmente movilizó el complot golpista cívico-militar fueron las capacidades que mostraron las capas populares y oprimidas de tomar el destino de sus vidas con sus propias manos. Estas capacidades fueron gestadas y desarrolladas en décadas de lucha, constituidas a partir de los aprendizajes colectivos de nuestra clase, desde, al menos, los albores del siglo XX en los centros urbanos y mucho antes por las comunidades en resistencia a las diversas dimensiones de la colonización. Esta capacidad hizo posible la generación de fuerza social organizada que puso a temblar a la clase dominante y a los intereses imperialistas, quienes desataron toda su crueldad contra este protagonismo popular que comenzaba a escribir una nueva historia.

El terror fue desatado sistemáticamente desde el Estado y cayó la noche sobre la alegría de los pueblos. La contra revolución capitalista se abrió paso brutalmente con una imparable avanzada de muerte, tortura, violencia sexual y desaparición forzada, a la vez que llevaba a cabo la misión estratégica de desarticular todas las expresiones comunitarias en donde la vida fuera resuelta de manera solidaria, colectiva y en autogestión. La dictadura cívico-militar se desplegó tácticamente en múltiples dimensiones para sembrar el miedo en la sociedad, con el fin de desmantelar la fuerza social organizada que había hecho posible la experiencia socialista en la región chilena. Estos procesos de desmantelamiento político, social y emocional de gran parte de la clase organizada han provocado una herida colectiva, profunda y traumática, herida que la impunidad y los pactos de silencio institucionales mantienen abierta hasta el día de hoy y que ha traído múltiples consecuencias en la experiencia vital colectiva de todxs quienes hemos crecido en estos territorios los últimos 50 años y más.

La reestructuración capitalista que instauró el golpe y posterior dictadura cívico-militar se tradujo en una serie de rearticulaciones económicas y políticas, las cuales se transformaron en los pilares del sistema económico que heredamos de la dictadura y que los gobiernos de los 30 años han consolidado. Todas ellas han tenido efectos directos en nuestras experiencias vitales compartidas: la reconfiguración de las ciudades a través de la expulsión de lxs pobladorxs de los centros hacia las periferias y el desarrollo de la ciudad neoliberal, el freno de la reforma agraria y la continuidad del antiguo latifundio a través de un modelo agroexportador y el fomento del negocio forestal, el abandono de la educación y la salud pública, la creación de las AFP, la privatización del agua y, en general, la instauración de un modelo neoliberal y extractivista anclado a los deseos de consumo del norte global y los intereses de la clase dominante.

Como planteábamos anteriormente, todos estos mecanismos de terror y precarización de la vida humana y no humana, sumados al acceso al mundo de las cosas, el consumo y el crédito, han permeado capas más profundas de las comunidades y las personas, atomizando e individualizando las experiencias comunes y reduciendo la socialización humana a espacios de consumo y mercado. Nos han educado en la competencia y la violencia para sobrevivir, bajo la premisa del desarrollo y superación personal en base al esfuerzo. Nos han aislado a lxs unxs de lxs otrxs para mantenernos en sensación de soledad y tristeza persiguiendo un modelo de éxito individual que poco conoce del goce de las alegrías y las penas compartidas.

Enfrentadxs a esta devastación ecológica y social de los 50 años de implementación de un programa de muerte y desarticulación de las comunidades, no nos basta con contemplar la derrota de un proyecto institucional ni con reconocer el profundo daño que cargamos como una maldición que pareciera irremediable, porque en medio del despojo, han resistido y germinado diversas experiencias de organización y solidaridad popular como la lucha por la vivienda, las ollas comunes, la colectivización de los cuidados de la niñez, los múltiples espacios comunitarios culturales y deportivos, las luchas anti patriarcales, la defensa y cuidado de los ecosistemas, la lucha mapuche, la resistencia de las comunidades migrantes, entre muchas otras que apuestan por vidas dignas. Estos espacios de acumulación de fuerza, experimentación de formas orgánicas y métodos de lucha son aprendizaje y sabiduría práctica para disputar el presente y construir el futuro.

​​​​​​​Hoy, a 50 años de aquel dramático martes 11 de septiembre, desde el anarquismo no solo tenemos mucho que reflexionar, también debemos comenzar a romper con la inacción y el inmovilismo. Frente a los sectores pusilánimes que nos gobiernan, incapaces de defender a sus propios muertxs ante el avance de los discursos y acciones negacionistas de la derecha reaccionara, es fundamental asumir un rol protagónico en la batalla ideológica que hoy se libra, con lenguajes, narrativas, metodologías y herramientas que nos permitan salir del “gueto”. Si nuestras ideas no se enraízan en nuestra clase, otras lo hacen y, con esto, no pretendemos que todxs lxs oprimidxs se reivindiquen como anarquistas, más bien, buscamos que valores como la solidaridad, el apoyo mutuo, la acción directa y el antiautoritarismo se constituyan en la base de las relaciones sociales de nuestras comunidades, por ello, es fundamental hacer retroceder las ideas y prácticas promovidas por la burguesía, ya sea en su modalidad fascista, liberal o progresista.

Por otro lado, concebimos al anarquismo social y organizado como una caja de herramientas y, como tal, se demanda su uso, por ello es que apostamos por superar las posturas identitarias y sectarias, abrazando la organización social y la construcción comunitaria de poder popular. De esta manera pretendemos desarrollar la fuerza necesaria para destruir la sociedad de clases y la mercantilización de la vida, desplegando una capacidad organizativa que ponga en el centro el protagonismo popular y se oponga a cualquier proyecto personalista, reformista y de conciliación de clases. El anarquismo debe y puede retornar a las luchas sociales y a la organización territorial, no somos ajenxs a las realidades del campo popular porque también somos pobladorxs y  trabajadorxs que luchan por vidas libres y dignas, por eso, seamos hoy parte del fortalecimiento organizativo y de la necesaria coordinación de aquellas luchas libradas por diversos sectores de nuestra clase.

Finalmente, reconocemos que es necesario romper con la falsa oposición entre Estado y Mercado, apostando por construir una alternativa popular con foco en la reproducción de la vida que, desde la gestión comunitaria, prefigure aquella nueva y buena vida que buscamos, a partir de la autonomía y de un programa antiestatal, anticapitalista y con una perspectiva despatriarcalizadora. Resistir no significa soportar los oscuros tiempos aferrándonos a nuestras convicciones, más bien es transformar nuestra realidad, organizarnos comunitariamente, sin retroceder ante las contradicciones y amarguras de la situación actual. Confiamos en que la memoria, la lucha y la organización popular nos acercan a la emancipación y a la construcción de comunidades más sanas, más alegres, más dignas.​​​​​​​

A pesar de los golpes y las heridas: ¡organizadxs y en comunidad luchamos por la vida!
Asamblea Anarquista de Valparaíso - Federación Anarquista de Santiago

international / imperialism / war / opinion / analysis Thursday August 31, 2023 03:36 byWayne Price

A talk on the Ukrainian-Russian war, from an anarchist perspective. I reviewed my reasons for being in solidarity with the Ukrainian people. But revolutionary anarchists should give no political support to the Ukrainian government nor to the U.S. imperialists who help it.

When the Russian state invaded Ukraine, I was immediately on the side of the Ukrainian people. Mainly this was because, like most people, I hate oppression, exploitation, and bullying. I am on the side of the oppressed, the exploited, the beaten, the marginalized, and the dominated. Especially whenever they fight back. While my political opinions have evolved over the years, this attitude has continued to be at the heart of my worldview.

Also, I have long supported the freedom of an oppressed people to national self-determination. I learned this concept during the fight against the U.S.-Vietnamese war (dating myself). My comrades and I had no illusions in the North Vietnamese state nor the leaders of the south Vietnamese war (the “Viet Cong” or NLF). They were Stalinists and would establish a Communist-type state-capitalist dictatorship (as they did). They received military aid from the imperialist Soviet Union. But there was no question that the peasants and workers of Vietnam were supporting the war and its leadership. We gave no political support to the Stalinist leaders and rulers, we were their opponents. Yet we definitely were in solidarity with the Vietnamese people in their fight for independence and unity and whatever freedoms they might gain. We wanted the U.S. military forces to lose.

I thought these lessons of the Vietnamese-U.S. war applied to this war. They implied solidarity with the Ukrainian people (however much we opposed the Ukrainian state and its capitalist “oligarchs”) and full opposition to the Russian invaders. It implied that the oppressed people have the right to get arms from wherever they can, even from other imperialists who were competing with their immediate aggressor (then the Soviet Union, now the U.S. and NATO).

However, when I wrote this, I received much disagreement, often expressed with great personal hostility, expressed in name-calling, childish insults, and red-baiting. I was betraying anarchism! Some of my critics could not separate political disagreement from personal conflicts.

The first wave of arguments I faced held that “no anarchist” would support the war. This was because anarchists did not support wars, or anarchists did not support wars between capitalist states. This is to say that my critics rejected (or ignored) the importance of imperialism. They did not distinguish between wars between imperialist states and wars between an oppressed, colonized, nation and an imperialist state.

It was repeatedly pointed out to me that Peter Kropotkin had supported France and the Allies in World War I but that almost all anarchists at the time and later felt that he was badly mistaken. His comrade Errico Malatesta had written to condemn Kropotkin for taking sides in the Great War. But my critics did not know that Malatesta had also supported wars of national liberation by oppressed peoples (for example, in Libya against the Italian army, or in Cuba against the Spanish empire). (Price Nov. 2022)

I demonstrated that “classical anarchists” had supported popular struggles for national self-determination: including, but not limited to, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Malatesta, Makhno, and others. All (with the exception of Kropotkin) distinguished between wars among imperialists (of which they opposed all sides) and wars between imperialists and oppressed, non-imperialist, countries (of which they supported the oppressed peoples). (Price July 2022; 2023)

I also pointed out that many—perhaps most—of the Ukrainian anarchists supported—and participated in—the Ukrainian side of the war. Similarly, Russian and Belarusian anarchists were on the side of the Ukrainian people, and so were many other anarchists.
In a report on the 2023 International Anarchist Conference at St. Imier, Switzerland, a commentator wrote,

“Most events held on the war accepted the right of self-defence for Ukrainians as the minimum anarchist political basis….The event by anarchists from Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, who are actively resisting the invasion, was one of the most interesting of the meeting.” (Transnational Institute 2023)

All this does not prove that it is right to support the Ukrainian people, but it does disprove the claim that no anarchist would take such a stand.

In general, my opponents could not distinguish between “nationalism” and “national self-determination” or “liberation.” “National liberation” meant the freeing of a people from the oppression of the state of another nation. “National self-determination” meant that a people were able to decide for itself whether to be independent and what kind of political and economic system to have (which could be a capitalist state or libertarian socialism). But “nationalism” is one possible program meant to supposedly solve national oppression—by creating a new state and national capitalist economy (perhaps state capitalist). Anarchists should be for “national self-determination” and “national liberation” but are thoroughly opposed to “nationalism.” Instead we advocate international anarchist socialism to achieve freedom for all peoples everywhere.

Others argued that Ukraine did not deserve national defense because it was not really a nation! They claimed that Ukraine was a recent invention, that its people were indistinguishable from Russians, and so on. (While not supporting the Russian invasion, many anarchists repeat Putin’s propaganda and lies.) In my opinion, all these claims were irrelevant. Historically there had been a Ukraine for centuries, oppressed by the Czars and then by the Stalinists. During the 70 years of the Soviet Union, there had been a recognized Ukrainian Republic in the USSR. But this too was not really relevant.

What was important was that the Ukrainians regarded themselves as a nation. In 1991 the Ukrainian people voted overwhelming for national independence from Russia—by more than 92 per cent. This included about 80 per cent in the eastern, mainly Russian-speaking, Donbas and about 54 per cent in Crimea. (Mirra 2023; p. 126) It was their opinion which counts, not that of foreign anarchists nor of Putin and his army.

To which some replied, that therefore the people of the eastern Ukraine, the Donbas, were a nation or nations because they had voted for their own republics merged into Russia. I would agree, except that the drive for their “national separation” was so clearly a Russian put-up job (with Russian soldiers everywhere). Indeed the whole movement for Donbas secession was organized since 2014 by Russian and pro-Russian agents.

Another argument was that anarchists must not support a capitalist state. In fact, no Ukrainian anarchists gave any political support to the Zelensky government. They did not vote for it nor urge others to vote for it. They did not join the ruling party nor any other. They did not participate in the government in any way. They have opposed the neoliberal austerity and anti-union policies of the Zelensky government. There is no “Popular Front.”

Suppose there was a strike in the U.S. Anarchists would be on the side of the workers. Outside anarchists would do labor-support activities to help the strike. Anarchist workers at the workplace would join the strike and be active in its organizing. Yet the union would undoubtedly be run by a bureaucratic and possibly corrupt leadership. Should anarchists still participate? Or should they stand aside or perhaps cross the picket lines, because the union was undemocratic and centralized? Obviously, revolutionary anarchists would join the strike and be the most militant strikers, while fighting for a more democratic, federalist, and militant union. The same is true of anarchists in a just national war of self-determination, being part of the war while working for an eventual anarchist-socialist revolution.

Anarchists are participating in the war. Some distribute food and medicines. Others help refugees. But some formed Territorial Defense groups affiliated with the army. And some joined the army, fighting at the front.

It would have been optimal if Ukrainian anarchists had been able to organize militias or guerrilla groups independently of the state. Unfortunately they are far too weak to do that. They must either support the existing army in one way or another, or be passive. After all, while Ukrainian anarchists have much to criticize the army for, anarchists are not opposed to its fighting the Russian invaders!

Suppose anarchists were to say to the Ukrainian people, “We are against the Russian invasion, but we are also against the national army—we are even for sabotaging it—because it is the army of a state and capitalism.” Most workers would (correctly) regard this as treasonous de facto support of the invaders. On the other hand, anarchist participation in the war, in whatever capacity, can only increase positive views of anarchists among the population.

Much of the opposition to supporting Ukraine is due to its getting arms and aid from the U.S. and the rest of NATO. It is often called a “proxy war.” There is an assumption by many that only U.S. imperialism is evil. But while U.S. imperialism is terrible, it is not the only imperialism. There is Russian imperialism, as the Ukrainians know.

It is not unusual for one imperialist power to intervene when a colony rebels against its imperialist master. During the Cold War, the Soviet Union often aided, with guns or money, national struggles against Western imperialists—in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Meanwhile the U.S. was “on the side” of eastern European states against the Soviet Union. Even during World War II, Nazi Germany gave “support” to Arab rebels in Britain and France’s colonies, and even to Ireland, while Imperial Japan claimed to be “freeing” Asian colonies from Britain, France, and Holland. So it was not surprising that Soviet Russia gave aid to Vietnam against the U.S.—or that the U.S. and allies should give aid to Ukraine. The U.S. state is acting for its reasons, its imperial interests in weakening its imperial competitor, not out of the “idealism” of its cynical politicians.

But make no mistake. For the Ukrainians, this is no “proxy war.” It is their villages, towns, and cities which are bombed and destroyed, not those of the U.S., Germany, or Britain. It is their population which is being massacred on the ground and from the air. It is their soldiers who are fighting and being killed in massive numbers. They are fighting and dying for their country, their people, and no one else.

I would not offer tactical advice to Ukrainian anarchists. But strategically I would say that their goals are two-fold: to defeat the Russian invasion and to spread anarchist ideas among the people, especially the workers. As revolutionary anarchists, we continue to be in solidarity with the oppressed, especially when they fight for their freedom.

References

Mirra, Carl (2023). “The War in Ukraine.” New Politics. Summer 2023. Pp. 125—137.

Price, Wayne (July 2022). “Malatesta on War and National Self-Determination” https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32666

Price, Wayne (Nov. 2022). “Kropotkin and War—Today.”
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32683?search_text=Wayne+Price

Price, Wayne (2023). “Anarchists Support Self-Determination for Ukraine; What Did Bakunin Say About National Self-Determination?” https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32774?search_text=Wayne+Price

Transnational Institute of Social Ecology (2023). “Report From the International Anarchist Meeting in St. Imier, Switzerland”
https://anarchistnews.org/content/report-international-anarchist-meeting-st-imier-switzerland

* submitted to Workers Solidarity: A Green Syndicalist Webzine

doğu afrika / anarşist hareketin / press release Wednesday August 30, 2023 15:53 byÇeşitli anarşist örgütler

Sürgün olmak asla kolay bir karar değildir. Asla bir seçim değildir. Kaynaklar olmadan, gerçek bir çileye dönüşebilir. Dayanışma, bu zor zamanların üstesinden gelmenin anahtarıdır.

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Uluslararası anarşist dayanışma çağrısı

Sürgündeki Sudanlı anarşistleri destekleyin

Sürgün olmak asla kolay bir karar değildir. Asla bir seçim değildir. Kaynaklar olmadan, gerçek bir çileye dönüşebilir. Dayanışma, bu zor zamanların üstesinden gelmenin anahtarıdır.

Şubat 2022'de, 2018'den beri ülkeyi sarsan devrimci huzursuzluğun ortasında bir grup Sudanlı anarşistle temasa geçtik. Dil engellerine rağmen, onlardan bu devrimi ve kalbindeki direniş komitelerini nasıl daha iyi anlayabileceğimizi öğrendik. Öyle ki çoğunlukla genç öğrencilerden oluşan bu grup, ülkenin kuzeyindeki anarşist bir grup tarafından taklit edilmiştir.

2011'deki "Arap Baharı" sırasında birçok ülke gibi Sudan da bu yılın Nisan ayında iç savaşa sürüklendi. "Hızlı Destek Güçleri" milislerinin komutanı General Hemetti, Sudan ulusal ordusuna karşı bir isyan başlattı. Ülkenin ilerici ve devrimci güçleri oybirliğiyle bir tarafı diğerine karşı desteklemeyi reddetti ve bu durumdan kaynaklı kendilerini bu iki militarize gerici grup arasındaki mengenede buldular. Bu anlamsız çatışmada yaklaşık 5.000 kişi öldü. İki buçuk milyon insan evlerini terk etmek zorunda kaldı ve bunların 500.000'i ülkeyi terk etti. Yağma ve tecavüz giderek artmakta ve sivillere karşı kullanılan savaş silahlarının bir parçasını oluşturmaktadır.

Anarşist yoldaşlarımız hala Sudan'dalar ve ajitasyon faaliyetlerine orada gizlice devam edebilmeyi umuyorlar. Savaştan önce ve hatta savaşın başında mali yardım sağladık. Ancak bu durumu sürdürmek imkansız hale geldi ve artık herhangi bir sosyal ya da siyasi faaliyete izin vermiyor. Grubun bazı üyeleri, evleri RSF tarafından yağmalandıktan sonra mümkün olan en kısa sürede ülkeyi terk etmeye karar verdi. Diğerleri ise şimdilik kalmaya karar verdi ve biz de onlara yardımcı olmaya çalışıyoruz.

Dünyanın bu bölgesinde bulunan yoldaşlarımızla birlikte, herkese bu bağlamda hayatta kalmak için mümkün olan en iyi koşulları sağlamak için çalışıyoruz. Kalmaya niyetli olanlar için ihtiyaçlarını karşılamalarına ve acil bir ayrılış için ihtiyaç duymaları halinde kenara para koymalarına yardımcı olmamız gerekiyor. Şimdi sürgüne gidenler içinse, bu tür tek yönlü yolculukların gerektirdiği tehlikelerden mümkün olduğunca kaçınarak onları ülkeden çıkarmamız ve sürgündeki Sudanlılarla ve ev sahibi ülkelerdeki sömürülen sınıflarla birlikte aktivizmlerini sürdürmelerini sağlamamız gerekiyor. Ancak bölge son derece istikrarsız (iç savaşlar, darbeler ve diğer otoriter rejimler) ve şu anda ülkeyi terk etmek mümkün değil.

Bunu yapmak için paraya ihtiyacımız var ve kuruluşlarımızın dayanışma fonları tek başına yeterli değil. Aşağıda tahmini masraflar yer almaktadır (ABD Doları cinsinden):

  • Vizeler: $400
  • Seyahat: 800 $ (maliyetler oldukça değişken olduğu için bu rakam belirsizdir)
  • Ev sahibi ülkede ilk kira: $200
  • Ev sahibi ülkede bir aylık yiyecek: 300$
  • Sudan'da bekleme süresi için masraflar (konaklama, yemek, internet): 1000 $
  • Minimum: $2700
Bu geçici bütçe, hızla değişen ekonomik ve güvenlik bağlamında istikrarsız kalmaktadır. Sadece en az bir aylık harcamaları karşılamaktadır. Ancak durum öyle ki, yoldaşlarımız ihtiyaçlarını sadece bir ay içinde karşılayamayacaklar. Sonunda çok daha fazla paraya ihtiyacımız olacak. Bu asgari miktarın üzerinde bile olsa bağışlanan tüm meblağlar, yoldaşların kendi ihtiyaçlarını karşılayabilecek duruma gelene kadar günlük ihtiyaçlarını karşılamak için kullanılacaktır.

Bağışlar, halihazırda uluslararası bir dayanışma yapısına sahip olan İsviçre'deki yoldaşlarımız tarafından toplanmaktadır.

Bağışınızı yaparken "Sudan Dayanışması "nı belirtmeyi unutmayın.

Bağışlarınızı şu adrese gönderin:

Association pour la Promotion de la Solidarité Internationale (APSI)
Place Chauderon 5
1003 Lozan
İsviçre

IBAN: CH84 0900 0000 1469 7613 8
SWIFT/BIC: POFICHBEXXX
Banka'nın Adı: PostFinance SA; Mingerstrasse 20; 3030 Bern; Switzerland

Ayrıca Paypal ile

İmza sahibi:

☆Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB) - Brezilya
☆Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (OSL) - İsviçre
☆Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) - Uruguay
☆Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya - Katalonya, İspanya Devleti
☆Federación Anarquista Santiago (FAS) - Şili
☆Karala - Türkiye
☆Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (BRRN) - Amerika Birleşik Devletleri
☆Libertäre Aktion (LA) - İsviçre
☆Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL) - Fransa
☆Grupo Libertario Vía Libre - Kolombiya
☆Die Plattform - Almanya
☆Roja y Negra Organización Politíca Anarquista - Arjantin
☆Anarchist Communist Group(ACG) Büyük Britanya
☆Tekoşîna Anarşîst (TA) - Rojava
☆Anarşist Yondae - Güney Kore
☆Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA (AL/FdCA) - İtalya
☆Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement(AWSM) - Aotearoa/Yeni Zelanda

/ / Tuesday August 29, 2023 05:56 byVarious anarchist organisations

우리의 아나키스트 동지들은 여전히 수단에 남아 있으며 그곳에서 은밀하게 선전 활동을 계속하고자 합니다. 우리는 전쟁 전과 전쟁 초기에도 동지들에 대하여 재정적으로 지원을 제공했습니다. 하지만 상황이 더욱 악화되면서, 수단 내부에서의 사회적 활동이나 정치활동은 불가능한 것이 되었습니다. ‘신속지원군’에게 고향을 약탈당한 일부 회원들은 RSF에 가능한 한 빨리 수단을 떠나기로 결정했습니다. 다른 사람들은 아직 수단에서의 활동을 더 이어가기로 결정했으며 우리도 그들을 돕기 위해 노력하고 있습니다.

[عربي] [Castellano] [Deutsch] [Eλληνικά] [English] [Français] [Italiano] [Português] [Türkçe]

국제 아나키스트 연대를 요청합니다.
망명중인 수단 아나키스트 동지들을 지원하여 주십시오.

망명은 결코 쉬운 결정이 아닙니다. 결코 선택이 아닙니다. 생존을 위한 자원을 확보하지 못한 망명은 진정한 고난입니다. 그리고 이 고난을 극복할 수 있는 열쇠는, 바로 연대입니다.

우리는 2018년부터 수단을 뒤흔들고 있는 혁명적 불안의 와중에서 2022년 2월 수단 아나키스트 그룹과 접촉했습니다. 이들과 우리 사이에는 언어의 장벽이 놓여있었지만, 그럼에도 우리는 이들에게서 혁명과 혁명의 중심에 있는 저항 위원회를 더 잘 이해하는 방법을 배웠습니다. 북부의 한 아나키스트 단체가 주로 젊은 학생들로 구성된 이 단체를 모방하기도 했습니다.

2011년 '아랍의 봄' 당시 여러 국가에서 그러했던 것처럼, 수단도 올해 4월 내전에 돌입했습니다. '신속지원군'의 헤메티 사령관은 수단 국군에 대항해 반란을 일으켰습니다. 수단의 진보 세력과 혁명 세력은 두 세력 모두를 지지하지 않았습니다. 그리고 그렇게 그들은 이 두 군사 반동 세력 사이의 전쟁 사이에 휘말려 들었습니다. 이 무의미한 군사분쟁으로 거의 5,000명이 사망했습니다. 250만 명이 강제로 고향을 떠나야 했고, 그 중 50만 명이 시리아를 탈출했습니다. 약탈과 강간은 증가하고 있으며, 민간인을 상대로 전쟁 무기인 양 사용되고 있습니다.

우리의 아나키스트 동지들은 여전히 수단에 남아 있으며 그곳에서 은밀하게 선전 활동을 계속하고자 합니다. 우리는 전쟁 전과 전쟁 초기에도 동지들에 대하여 재정적으로 지원을 제공했습니다. 하지만 상황이 더욱 악화되면서, 수단 내부에서의 사회적 활동이나 정치활동은 불가능한 것이 되었습니다. ‘신속지원군’에게 고향을 약탈당한 일부 회원들은 RSF에 가능한 한 빨리 수단을 떠나기로 결정했습니다. 다른 사람들은 아직 수단에서의 활동을 더 이어가기로 결정했으며 우리도 그들을 돕기 위해 노력하고 있습니다.

우리는 이러한 상황에서 모든 사람들에게 생존을 위한 최상의 조건을 제공하기 위해 노력하고 있습니다. 우리는 수단에 잔류하는 동지들에게 그들이 필요로하는 것을 제공할 것입니다. 만약 그 동지들이 결국 망명을 결정한다면, 우리는 긴급 출국을 위해 필요한 재정을 지원하려 합니다. 우리는 지금 당장 망명에 오르는 동지들이 탈출에 수반하는 위험을 최대한 피하면서, 동시에 다른 수단 동지들 및 망명지의 피착취계급과 활동을 지속할 수 있도록 해야 합니다.

하지만 수단 지역은 내전이나 쿠데타, 그리고 권위주의 정권의 폭정으로 인해 매우 불안정한 상태에 놓여있으며, 즉각적인 출국은 불가능한 상황입니다. 동지들의 망명을 위해 우리는 재정이 필요합니다. 그리고 그 재정 규모는 우리 단체의 연대사업비만으로는 충분하지 않습니다. 아래는 예상 비용(미국 달러 기준)입니다:

비자: $400
여행 경비: $800(비용이 매우 불안정하므로 이 수치는 불확실합니다.)
망명지에서의 첫 임대료: $200
망명지에서의 한 달 식비: $300
수단에서의 대기 시간 비용(숙박, 식비, 인터넷): $1000
최소 $2700

수단의 경제적 · 군사적 상황이 불안정 하기에, 이 잠정 예산 또한 변할 수 있습니다. 또한 이 예산은 한 달 동안의 비용만을 상정하고 있는 것입니다. 하지만 한 달만으로는 우리 동지들의 필요를 온전히 충족시킬 수 없고, 결국에는 훨씬 더 많은 재정이 소요될 것입니다. 만약 모금액이 이 최소 금액을 초과하더라도, 기부된 모든 금액은 동지들이 스스로를 부양할 수 있을 때까지 수단 동지들의 일상적인 필요를 충족시키는 데 사용될 것입니다.

기부금의 모금 및 관리는 이미 국제적인 연대 구조를 갖춘 스위스의 동지들이 주관하고 있습니다.

기부할 때 'Solidarity Sudan'을 명기하여 주십시오.
연대기금은 다음으로 보내주십시오.

Association pour la Promotion de la Solidarité Internationale (APSI)
Place Chauderon 5
1003 Lausanne
Switzerland
IBAN: CH84 0900 0000 1469 7613 8
SWIFT/BIC: POFICHBEXXX
은행명: PostFinance SA; Mingerstrasse 20; 3030 Bern; Switzerland


연명 단체
☆Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB) – 브라질
☆Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (OSL) – 스위스
☆Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) – 우루과이
☆Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya – 카탈루냐
☆Federación Anarquista Santiago (FAS) – 칠레
☆Karala – 터키
☆Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (BRRN) – 미국
☆Libertäre Aktion (LA) – 스위스
☆Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL) – 프랑스
☆Grupo Libertario Vía Libre – 콜롬비아
☆Die Plattform – 독일
☆Roja y Negra Organización Politíca Anarquista - 아르헨티나
☆Anarchist Communist Group (ACG) - 영국
☆Tekoşîna Anarşîst (TA) – 로자바
☆Anarchist Yondae – 한국
☆Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA (AL/FdCA) – 이탈리아
☆Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement (AWSM) – 아오테아로아/뉴질랜드

Ανατολική Αφρική / Αναρχικό κίνημα / Ανακοίνωση Τύπου Tuesday August 29, 2023 05:45 byΔιεθνές κάλεσμα

Οι αναρχικοί σύντροφοί μας βρίσκονται ακόμα στο Σουδάν και ήλπιζαν να μπορέσουν να συνεχίσουν τις αγωνιστικές τους δραστηριότητες εκεί κρυφά. Παρέχαμε οικονομική βοήθεια πριν από τον πόλεμο και ακόμη και στην αρχή του. Αλλά η κατάσταση έχει γίνει αφόρητη και δεν επιτρέπει πλέον καμία κοινωνική ή πολιτική δραστηριότητα. Κάποια μέλη της ομάδας αποφάσισαν να εγκαταλείψουν τη χώρα το συντομότερο δυνατό μετά τη λεηλασία του σπιτιού τους από τις ΔΤY. Άλλα αποφάσισαν να παραμείνουν προς το παρόν και προσπαθούμε να τα βοηθήσουμε και αυτά.

[عربي] [Castellano] [Deutsch] [English] [Français] [Italiano] [한국어] [Português] [Türkçe]

Διεθνές κάλεσμα αναρχικής αλληλεγγύης


Υποστηρίξτε τους Σουδανούς αναρχικούς στην εξορία



Η εξορία δεν είναι ποτέ μια εύκολη απόφαση. Δεν είναι ποτέ μια επιλογή. Χωρίς πόρους, μπορεί να γίνει μια πραγματική δοκιμασία. Η αλληλεγγύη είναι το κλειδί για να ξεπεράσει κανείς αυτές τις δύσκολες στιγμές.

Ήρθαμε σε επαφή με μια ομάδα Σουδανών αναρχικών τον Φεβρουάριο του 2022, εν μέσω των επαναστατικών ταραχών που συγκλόνισαν τη χώρα από το 2018. Παρά τα γλωσσικά εμπόδια, μάθαμε από αυτούς πώς να κατανοήσουμε καλύτερα αυτή την επανάσταση και τις επιτροπές αντίστασης που βρίσκονται στην καρδιά της. Αυτή η ομάδα, που αποτελείται κυρίως από νεαρούς φοιτητές, βρήκε μάλιστα μιμητές σε μια αναρχική ομάδα στα βόρεια της χώρας.

Όπως πολλές χώρες κατά τη διάρκεια της "Αραβικής Άνοιξης" του 2011, το Σουδάν βυθίστηκε σε εμφύλιο πόλεμο τον Απρίλιο του τρέχοντος έτους. Ο στρατηγός Χεμέτι, διοικητής της πολιτοφυλακής "Δυνάμεις ταχείας υποστήριξης", εξαπέλυσε εξέγερση εναντίον του εθνικού στρατού του Σουδάν. Οι προοδευτικές και επαναστατικές δυνάμεις της χώρας αρνήθηκαν ομόφωνα να υποστηρίξουν τη μία πλευρά εναντίον της άλλης, και έτσι βρέθηκαν στη μέγγενη μεταξύ αυτών των δύο στρατιωτικοποιημένων αντιδραστικών φατριών. Σχεδόν 5.000 άνθρωποι έχουν χάσει τη ζωή τους σε αυτή την άσκοπη σύγκρουση. Δυόμισι εκατομμύρια άνθρωποι έχουν αναγκαστεί να εγκαταλείψουν τα σπίτια τους, 500.000 από τους οποίους έχουν εγκαταλείψει τη χώρα. Οι λεηλασίες και οι βιασμοί αυξάνονται και αποτελούν μέρος του οπλοστασίου των πολεμικών όπλων που χρησιμοποιούνται κατά των αμάχων.

Οι αναρχικοί σύντροφοί μας βρίσκονται ακόμα στο Σουδάν και ήλπιζαν να μπορέσουν να συνεχίσουν τις αγωνιστικές τους δραστηριότητες εκεί κρυφά. Παρέχαμε οικονομική βοήθεια πριν από τον πόλεμο και ακόμη και στην αρχή του. Αλλά η κατάσταση έχει γίνει αφόρητη και δεν επιτρέπει πλέον καμία κοινωνική ή πολιτική δραστηριότητα. Κάποια μέλη της ομάδας αποφάσισαν να εγκαταλείψουν τη χώρα το συντομότερο δυνατό μετά τη λεηλασία του σπιτιού τους από τις ΔΤY. Άλλα αποφάσισαν να παραμείνουν προς το παρόν και προσπαθούμε να τα βοηθήσουμε και αυτά.

Σε συνεργασία με συντρόφους που βρίσκονται σε αυτό το μέρος του κόσμου, εργαζόμαστε για να παρέχουμε σε όλους τις καλύτερες δυνατές συνθήκες επιβίωσης σε αυτό το πλαίσιο. Για όσους σκοπεύουν να μείνουν, πρέπει να τους βοηθήσουμε να αντιμετωπίσουν τις ανάγκες τους και να βάλουμε χρήματα στην άκρη αν τα χρειαστούν για μια επείγουσα αναχώρηση. Για όσους πηγαίνουν τώρα στην εξορία, πρέπει να τους εξοστρακίσουμε από τη χώρα, αποφεύγοντας όσο το δυνατόν περισσότερο τους κινδύνους που συνεπάγεται αυτό το είδος του ταξιδιού χωρίς επιστροφή, και να τους δώσουμε τη δυνατότητα να συνεχίσουν τον ακτιβισμό τους με τους εξόριστους Σουδανούς και τις εκμεταλλευόμενες τάξεις στη χώρα υποδοχής τους. Ωστόσο, η περιοχή είναι εξαιρετικά ασταθής (εμφύλιοι πόλεμοι, πραξικοπήματα και άλλα αυταρχικά καθεστώτα) και δεν είναι προς το παρόν δυνατή η έξοδος από τη χώρα.

Για να το κάνουμε αυτό, χρειαζόμαστε χρήματα, και τα κονδύλια αλληλεγγύης των οργανώσεών μας από μόνα τους δεν αρκούν. Παρακάτω παρουσιάζονται τα εκτιμώμενα έξοδα (σε δολάρια ΗΠΑ):

- Βίζες: 400 δολάρια
- Ταξίδια: 800 δολάρια (το ποσό αυτό είναι αβέβαιο, καθώς το κόστος είναι εξαιρετικά ασταθές)
- Πρώτο ενοίκιο στη χώρα υποδοχής: 200 δολάρια
- Τρόφιμα για ένα μήνα στη χώρα υποδοχής: 300 δολάρια
- Δαπάνες (διαμονή, διατροφή, Διαδίκτυο) για το χρόνο αναμονής στο Σουδάν: 1000 δολάρια
- Ελάχιστο: 2700 δολάρια

Αυτός ο προσωρινός προϋπολογισμός παραμένει ασταθής σε ένα ταχέως μεταβαλλόμενο οικονομικό πλαίσιο και πλαίσιο ασφαλείας. Καλύπτει μόνο τα έξοδα για τουλάχιστον ένα μήνα. Αλλά η κατάσταση είναι τέτοια που οι σύντροφοί μας δεν θα μπορέσουν να καλύψουν τις ανάγκες τους σε ένα μόνο μήνα. Είναι πιθανό να χρειαστούμε πολύ περισσότερα χρήματα στο τέλος. Οποιοδήποτε ποσό δωρίζεται, ακόμη και πέραν αυτού του ελάχιστου ποσού, θα χρησιμοποιηθεί για την κάλυψη των καθημερινών αναγκών των συντρόφων μέχρι να μπορέσουν να εξασφαλίσουν τον εαυτό τους.

Οι δωρεές συγκεντρώνονται από τους συντρόφους μας στην Ελβετία, οι οποίοι έχουν ήδη μια διεθνή δομή αλληλεγγύης.

Μην ξεχάσετε να αναφέρετε "Solidarity Sudan" όταν κάνετε τη δωρεά σας.
Στείλτε τις δωρεές σας στην ακόλουθη διεύθυνση:

Association pour la Promotion de la Solidarité Internationale (APSI)
Place Chauderon 5
1003 Lausanne
Suisse - Ελβετία

IBAN: CH84 0900 0000 1469 7613 8
SWIFT/BIC: POFICHBEXXX
Όνομα της τράπεζας: PostFinance SA- Mingerstrasse 20- 3030 Bern - Switzerland

Επίσης με Paypal


Υπογράφεται από:
☆Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB) - Βραζιλία
☆Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (OSL) - Ελβετία
☆Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) - Ουρουγουάη
☆Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya - Καταλονία, ισπανικό κράτος
☆Federación Anarquista Santiago (FAS) - Χιλή
☆ Karala - Τουρκία
☆Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (BRRN) - ΗΠA
☆Libertäre Aktion (LA) - Ελβετία
☆Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL) - Γαλλία
☆Grupo Libertario Vía Libre - Κολομβία
☆Die Plattform - Γερμανία
☆Roja y Negra Organización Politíca Anarquista - Αργεντινή
☆ Anarchist Communist Group (ACG) - Μεγάλη Βρετανία
☆Tekoşîna Anarşîst (TA) - Ροζάβα
☆Anarchist Yondae - Νότια Κορέα
☆Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA (AL/FdCA) - Ιταλία
☆Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement (AWSM) - Αωτερώα/Νέα Ζηλανδία

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Fri 29 Mar, 22:15

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download.jpg imageThe Joy of Alex Comfort Nov 21 17:47 by Wayne Price 2 comments

resist_genocide.jpg imageResist Genocide Oct 14 20:31 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 6 comments

resist_genocide_1.jpg imageRésister au génocide Oct 14 20:28 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 4 comments

coops.jpeg imageΚοοπερατίβες ή τ^... Oct 12 06:55 by Tommy Lawson 1 comments

10801079108610731088107210781077108510801077_20230924_162632077min.png imageA volunteer from Kharkov was tortured by the military after trying to leave Ukraine Oct 11 22:55 by Assembly 1 comments

380713793_699111572256482_5298125431710198778_n.jpg imageFORO CONVERSATORIO: A 50 AÑOS DEL GOLPE CÍVICO MILITAR Los desafíos y tareas del anarquism... Oct 05 02:24 by Asamblea Anarquista Valparaíso y Federación Anarquista Santiago 1 comments

1.jpeg imageAnarchists in Rojava: Revolution is a struggle in itself Oct 04 23:52 by Jurnal mapa 1 comments

61thrfbmy8l.jpg imageAn Attempted Marxist-Anarchist Dialogue Oct 03 07:13 by Wayne Price 2 comments

tea_paros_nacionales.jpeg imageTaller de Estudios Anarquistas: La experiencia de los paros nacionales en Colombia Sep 12 08:38 by ViaLibre 9 comments

377428561_843860310647981_2410053042863431509_n_1.jpg imageComunicado Público a 50 años del Golpe Cívico-Militar Sep 12 05:10 by Asamblea Anarquista de Valparaíso y Federación Anarquista de Santiago 2 comments

images.jpg imageA Talk on the Ukrainian-Russian War Aug 31 03:36 by Wayne Price 7 comments

sudan_soli_tu_copy.png imageSürgündeki Sudanlı anarşistleri destekleyin Aug 30 15:53 by Çeşitli anarşist örgütler 1 comments

text망명중인 수단 아나키스트... Aug 29 05:56 by Various anarchist organisations 0 comments

textΥποστηρίξτε τους... Aug 29 05:45 by Διεθνές κάλεσμα 0 comments

mihail_gerdzhikov.jpg imageΗ Κομμούνα της Στ ... Aug 28 20:23 by Γιάβορ Ταρίνσκι 0 comments

دعم اللاسلطويين السودانيين في المنفى imageدعم اللاسلطوي¡... Aug 27 18:27 by اللاسلطويين 1 comments

textSosteniamo le anarchiche e anarchici sudanesi in esilio Aug 26 02:19 by Varie organizzazioni anarchiche 3 comments

portugais.jpeg imageApoie anarquistas sudaneses no exílio Aug 23 23:32 by Várias organizações anarquistas 0 comments

tucuman.jpg imageΑργεντινή: Το κλε ... Aug 23 21:22 by Organización Anarquista de Tucumán 2 comments

internationalcampaignsudan.jpeg imageSupport Sudanese anarchists in exile Aug 23 18:19 by International anarchist organisations 23 comments

espanol.jpeg imageApoyo a los anarquistas sudaneses en el exilio Aug 23 18:15 by Diversas organizaciones anarquistas 0 comments

deutsch.jpeg imageUnterstützt sudanesische Anarchist:innen im Exil! Aug 23 17:45 by Verschiedene anarchistische Organisationen 0 comments

Appel anarchiste de solidarité internationale avec nos camarades soudanais en exil imageSoutenir l’exil des anarchistes soudanais·es Aug 23 03:53 by Diverses organisations anarchistes 2 comments

elisee_reclus.jpg imageΕ. Ρεκλύ: Ένας πρωτ&... Aug 20 21:58 by Αυτολεξεί 2 comments

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