user preferences

Ελλάδα / Τουρκία / Κύπρος / Αντιφασισμός / Νέα Wednesday November 01, 2017 19:32 byΕλευθεριακή Πρωτοβουλία Θεσσαλονίκης

Δε θα μπούμε καν στη διαδικασία να πούμε τα προφανή περί καλλιτεχνικής ελευθερίας ή περί του δημαγωγικού-δεσποτικού ρόλου της σκοταδιστικής εκκλησίας (την οποία έχουμε άλλωστε συνολικά χεσμένη). Θα πούμε μόνο ότι τον αέρα που πήραν την προηγούμενη εβδομάδα, πρέπει να τους τον κόψουμε. Δε θα αφήσουμε την πόλη μας έρμαιο στους φασίστες και τους σκοταδιστές, όσο λίγοι και αν είναι, όσο γελοίοι και αν φαντάζουν.

Ενημέρωση από την αντιφασιστική πορεία Δευτέρα 30/10

Την προηγούμενη εβδομάδα ο φασιστικός εσμός της πόλης περίφερε το σάπιο σαρκίο του στην πόλη μας. Αυτήν τη φορά αφορμή ήταν η παράσταση “Η ώρα του Διαβόλου” η οποία παιζόταν στο θέατρο Αριστοτέλειο. Μισή χούφτα φασίστες με ελληνικές σημαίες αναμεμιγμένοι με χριστιανούς φονταμενταλιστές με σημαίες της βυζαντινής αυτοκρατορίας, κεριά και αγιασμούς βρέθηκαν έξω από το χώρο του θεάτρου για να διαμαρτυρηθούν για τη «βλασφημία», αφήνοντας όλους τους υπόλοιπους ανθρώπους που κατοικούν σε αυτή την πόλη να θαυμάσουν την ηλιθιότητα τους.

Τη Δευτέρα 30/10 το ίδιο τσούρμο φασιστών καλούσε σε συγκέντρωσή διαμαρτυρίας για την παράσταση «Εκκλησιάζοντες» που παίζεται στο θέατρο Αυλαία. Ως απάντηση στο κάλεσμα των φασιστών υπήρχε καλεσμένη αντιφασιστική συγκέντρωση, 2μιση ώρες νωρίτερα από αυτό, στις 17:00 στην Καμάρα. Η συγκέντρωση καλούνταν από την Ελευθεριακή Πρωτοβουλία Θεσσαλονίκης, τον Ελευθέρου Κοινωνικό Χώρο Σχολείο, την κατάληψη Libertatia και τη Συλλογικότητα για τον Κοινωνικό Αναρχισμό Μαύρο & Κόκκινο.

Στις 18:00 οι συγκεντρωμένοι αντιφασίστες και αντιφασίστριες ξεκίνησαν την πορεία, με σκοπό να κινηθούν προς το θέατρο «Αυλαία» (ΧΑΝΘ) όπου αργότερα θα γινόταν η συγκέντρωση των φασιστών. Η πορεία κινήθηκε μέσω της Εγνατίας, στην οδό Εθνική Αμύνης. Μόλις έφτασε στην Σβώλου, μπλοκαρίστηκε από ισχυρές δυνάμεις ΜΑΤ. Αυτήν τη φορά οι «δυνάμεις της τάξης» και οι πολιτικοί τους προϊστάμενοι δεν μπήκαν καν στον κόπο να κρύψουν την εύνοιά τους προς τους φασίστες. Χωρίς να βρίσκεται ούτε ένας φασίστας στο σημείο της συγκέντρωσης, φρόντισαν να τους διαφυλάξουν το μέρος, κρατώντας τους αντιφασίστες και τις αντιφασίστριες σε τεράστια απόσταση από το θέατρο. Μετά το μπλοκάρισμα της, η πορεία κινήθηκε στις οδούς Σβώλου, Βενιζέλου, Εγνατία, από όπου και κατέληξε στο σιντριβάνι, όπου παρέμεινε ως και τις 20:30. Καθ’ όλη τη διάρκεια της πορείας η παρουσία των μπάτσων ήταν ασφυκτική, αποτρέποντας τους διαδηλωτές από το να κινηθούν πιο χαμηλά από τη Σβώλου σε όλο το μήκος της πόλης, ακόμα και σε αρκετούς δρόμους ανατολικότερα από το σημείο του θεάτρου.

Όταν τελικά οι φασίστες και οι χριστιανοί φονταμενταλιστές μαζεύτηκαν στο σημείο που με τόση επιμέλεια φρόντισαν οι μπάτσοι να τους διαφυλάξουν, το θέαμα ήταν όπως και τις υπόλοιπες φορές γελοιωδέστατο: γιγαντιαίες ελληνικές σημαίες, ανακατεμένες με γιαγιάδες που φώναζαν «αίσχος» και αστείους τύπους με σημαίες «ορθοδοξία ή θάνατος» (σαφώς το δεύτερο θα τους προτείναμε), συνολικού αριθμού… με το ζόρι 30.

Δε θα μπούμε καν στη διαδικασία να πούμε τα προφανή περί καλλιτεχνικής ελευθερίας ή περί του δημαγωγικού-δεσποτικού ρόλου της σκοταδιστικής εκκλησίας (την οποία έχουμε άλλωστε συνολικά χεσμένη). Θα πούμε μόνο ότι τον αέρα που πήραν την προηγούμενη εβδομάδα, πρέπει να τους τον κόψουμε. Δε θα αφήσουμε την πόλη μας έρμαιο στους φασίστες και τους σκοταδιστές, όσο λίγοι και αν είναι, όσο γελοίοι και αν φαντάζουν.

ΦΑΣΙΣΤΕΣ ΠΙΣΩ ΣΤΙΣ ΤΡΥΠΕΣ ΣΑΣ
ΜΑΧΗΤΙΚΟΣ ΠΡΟΛΕΤΑΡΙΑΚΟΣ ΑΝΤΙΦΑΣΙΣΜΟΣ
ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΠΑΝΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΝΗ ΧΕΙΡΑΦΕΤΗΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΟΛΑ ΤΑ ΔΕΣΜΑ

Ελευθεριακή Πρωτοβουλία Θεσσαλονίκης – μέλος της Αναρχικής Ομοσπονδίας

lib_thess@hotmail.com

libertasalonica.wordpress.com

iberia / anti-fascism / non-anarchist press Wednesday November 01, 2017 16:01 byAnticapitalistas

1. On 27 October, in fulfilment of the mandate of the referendum of 1 October in which despite police repression more than two million people participated, the Catalan Parliament proclaimed the Catalan Republic. In a Spain with a monarchy that is a direct successor of the dictator Franco, a Republic that opens up a constituent process is without doubt a proposal that breaks with the 1978 regime, with its political consensus and with a constitutional order that serves the elites. This proclamation occurs in a context of constant threats to apply article 155 and impose an authoritarian outcome on a conflict that demands an eminently political and democratic solution. In fact, in recent days the application of 155 had come to be threatened no matter what happened. We call for the application of article 155 to be rejected and for democratic, peaceful and disobedient defence of the will of the Catalan people and of their right to decide.

2. In these times of exacerbation of patriotic passions it is important to correctly define those responsible for events. The People's Party, spurred on by Citizens and with the support of the PSOE and under pressure from the state apparatus, had decided to apply article 155 of the Constitution. The goal of this measure was to prevent a dialogue between Catalunya and the rest of the State, criminalising the Catalan people, refusing to entertain the solution of a negotiated referendum and justifying the use of force to solve a political problem. An irresponsible operation, which seeks to reorganise the unity of the State along authoritarian lines.

3. We are aware that many unknowns and uncertainties now opening up. To dope the people with easy slogans is typical of a conception of politics that shies away from democratic debate and considers itself lead actor in a story that is actually the work of ordinary people. The new Catalan Republic faces internal challenges that cannot be ignored in a country where a significant section of the population does not feel represented by the pro-independence movement. The first challenge for the process is to work to overcome this division, integrating the popular sectors not supportive of independence into a project for the country, avoiding the social confrontation that only benefits the forces of reaction while at the same time organising a movement capable of resisting the repression of the State. The constituent process must be a instrument operating in that direction, integrating the demands of the popular classes that go beyond the national question, putting social issues in the centre and radically democratising Catalonia.

4. In the Spanish State, we are living through a complex wave of reaction. Many people, including people on the left, feel hurt and torn by events in Catalonia. While it is true that a good part of this feeling is channeled into a Catalanaphobic reaction, heir of the worst sentiments of the Franco regime, and also into the violent expressions of the extreme right on the street, a large section of the population is honestly concerned about what is happening in Catalonia and puts its trust in dialogue and negotiation, in a return to politics.

From our point of view, what is fundamentally at stake is the possibility of people deciding their future. If the Catalan people suffers defeat and is crushed by the PP and its accomplices, when a territory, a town council, a community or a social sector decide to commit itself to a position on any issue it will be crushed with the same logic with which today the PP and the state are seeking to crush Catalonia. This is the central issue, which goes beyond the national question and puts the issue of popular sovereignty front and centre: it is the people who have the right to decide – such is the basis of democracy—and the law must be at the service of democracy and not vice versa.

On the other hand, there are other solutions and forms of relationship between peoples that go beyond those traditionally imposed in the Spanish State. The strategy of opening constituent processes has as its central idea developing a project for society that is carried out by the working and popular classes, by women, by migrants, by all the people who do not have political and economic power but who are indispensable. But it can also be a method to solve the historical problems of the Spanish State on the national level: a way of re-articulating relations between the peoples on the basis of equality, where the goal – out of respect for the right to decide and its outcomes – is to build bridges that the current top-down and authoritarian relationship of the central state destroys, developing from below forms of cooperation and dialogue among the people in order to build an alternative society to that of political and economic elites. An opportunity to build a new framework of fraternal coexistence that allows us to aspire not only to recover but also to conquer new social and democratic rights for the popular classes.

5. We know that ours is a difficult position in a context like this. That is why it seems to us fundamental to debate, to maintain dialogue among different democratic positions, but also to oppose the authoritarian regression that the State plans with the excuse of the Catalan question (it could have been any other excuse). Defending the Catalan people who will suffer the brutal application of article 155 not only means defending pro-independence forces, but also standing with that 80% of the Catalan population that has been demanding a referendum and a democratic solution to its demands and the other 20% that is going to lose its self-government. This is the time to defend the possibility of a democratic solution to the diktats of the State. It is time to (re)start the patient construction of a project that goes beyond the 1978 regime and is capable of building fraternal relations between the different peoples of the Spanish State. The elites have proven incapable of solving the problems of the Spanish State; today more than ever, it is urgent to recover the leading role of politics for those below.
iberia / antifascismo / non-anarchist press Wednesday November 01, 2017 15:59 byAnticapitalistas

1- El 27 de Octubre, cumpliendo el mandato del referéndum del 1 de Octubre en el que participaron más de 2 millones de personas a pesar de la represión policial, el Parlament de Catalunya proclamó la Republica Catalana. En una España con una monarquía sucesora directa del dictador Franco, una República que abre un proceso constituyente es sin duda una propuesta que rompe con el régimen del 78, con sus consensos políticos y con un orden constitucional al servicio de las élites. Esta proclamación se produce en un contexto de amenazas constantes para aplicar el 155 y darle una salida autoritaria a un conflicto que tiene que tener una salida eminentemente política y democrática. De hecho, en los últimos días se había llegado a amenazar con la aplicación del 155 pasara lo que pasara, se hiciera lo que se hiciera. Llamamos a rechazar la aplicación del artículo 155 y a la defensa democrática, pacífica y desobediente de la voluntad del pueblo catalán y su derecho a decidir.

2- Es importante, en estos tiempos de exacerbación de las pasiones patrióticas, definir correctamente los responsables de los hechos. El Partido Popular, espoleado por Ciudadanos, con el apoyo del PSOE y la presión de los aparatos del Estado, tenía decidido aplicar el artículo 155 de la Constitución. El objetivo de esta medida no ha sido otra que imposibilitar un diálogo entre Catalunya y el resto del Estado, criminalizando al pueblo catalán, negándose a abrir la solución del referéndum pactado y justificando el uso de la fuerza para solucionar un problema político. Una medida irresponsable, que busca reorganizar la unidad del Estado en base a relaciones autoritarias.

3- Somos conscientes de que se abren muchas incógnitas e incertidumbres. Narcotizar al pueblo con eslóganes fáciles es propio de una concepción de la política que rehuye el debate democrático y que se considera protagonista de una historia que en realidad protagoniza la gente común. La nueva República Catalana se enfrenta a retos internos que no puede soslayar, en un país en el que un sector importante de la población no se siente representado por el independentismo. El primer reto del proceso es trabajar por suturar esa división, integrando a los sectores populares no independentistas en su proyecto de país, evitando un desagarro social que sólo beneficia a las fuerzas reaccionarias, mientras organiza un movimiento capaz de resistir a la represión del Estado. El proceso constituyente debe servir para ir en esa dirección, integrando demandas de las clases populares que van más allá del tema nacional, que pongan las cuestiones sociales en el centro y que democraticen radicalmente Catalunya.

4- En el Estado Español, vivimos una oleada de reacción compleja. Mucha gente, incluida gente de izquierdas, se siente herida y desgarrada ante los hechos de Catalunya. Si bien es cierto que buena parte de este sentimiento es canalizado por una reacción catalanofóbica, heredera de los peores sentimientos del franquismo, cuando no por la expresión violenta de la extrema derecha en las calle, hay un amplio sector de la población que observa con honesta preocupación lo que ocurre en Catalunya y que apuesta por el diálogo y la negociación, por la vuelta de la política.

Desde nuestro punto de vista, lo que está en juego fundamentalmente es la posibilidad de la gente de decidir su futuro. Si el pueblo catalán sufre una derrota y es aplastado por el PP y sus complices, cuando un territorio, un ayuntamiento, una comunidad, o un sector social decida decidir con voluntad sobre cualquier asunto, será aplastado con la misma lógica con la que hoy el PP y el Estado buscan aplastar a Catalunya. Este es el asunto central, que va más allá del tema nacional y que pone en el centro la cuestión de la soberanía popular: es la gente la que tiene derecho a decidir, esa es la base de la democracia, y la ley debe estar al servicio de la democracia y no al revés.

Por otra parte, hay otras soluciones y formas de relación entre pueblos que superan las tradicionalmente impuestas en el Estado Español. La estrategia de abrir procesos constituyentes tiene como idea central componer un proyecto de sociedad protagonizado por las clases trabajadoras y populares, por las mujeres, por las migrantes, por todas las personas que no tienen hoy el poder político y económico pero que son las imprescindibles. Pero también puede ser un método para resolver los problemas históricos del Estado Español en el terreno nacional, una forma de rearticular las relaciones entre los pueblos en igualdad, en donde desde el respeto al derecho a decidir y a sus resultados, se busque rehacer los puentes de unión que la actual relación impositiva y autoritaria del estado central dinamita, construyendo formas de cooperación y diálogo entre la gente de abajo para construir una sociedad alternativa a la de las élites políticas y económicas. Una oportunidad para construir un nuevo marco de convivencia fraterna que nos permita aspirar no solo recuperar sino también conquistar nuevos derechos sociales y democráticos para las clases populares.

5- Sabemos que la nuestra es una posición difícil en un contexto como este. Por eso nos parece fundamental debatir, dialogar entre las diferentes posiciones democráticas, pero también oponerse a la involución autoritaria que planea el Estado con la excusa (podría haber sido cualquier otra) de la cuestión catalana. Defender al pueblo catalán que va a sufrir la aplicación brutal del 155 no es defender sólo a los independentistas, si no también estar junto a ese 80% de la población que desde Catalunya lleva reclamando un referéndum y una salida democrática a sus demandas y al otro 20% que va a perder su autogobierno. Es defender la posibilidad de una salida democrática frente a las imposiciones del Estado. Es el momento de (re)iniciar la construcción paciente de un proyecto que supere el régimen del 78, capaz de construir relaciones fraternas entre los diferentes pueblos del Estado Español. Las élites se han mostrado incapaces de resolver los problemas del Estado Español; hoy más que nunca, urge recuperar el protagonismo de la política para las de abajo.
international / community struggles / opinion / analysis Wednesday November 01, 2017 05:22 byZaher Baher


This article explains the problems that the ethnic minorities are facing and who is their common enemy. This article particularly concentrates on Kurdish diaspora who lives in Europe, US and other countries; it provides evidence that the Kurdish diaspora faces the same problems as the native people in the host country. Despite being facing the same problems or sometimes even more so, but they still do not involve themselves in the local and national campaigns.

The article points at the reasons that may contribute to the cause of not involving the campaigns.


The Kurdish people should get involved in and support campaigns on Local and National issues

Zaher Baher
Oct 2017

The emigration of Kurdish people to Europe, Scandinavia, the United States (USA) and other countries started during World War ll. However, they remained a tiny minority, compared to immigrants from many other countries, until the mid-1970s and early 1980s, when major waves of Kurdish migration from the different parts of Kurdistan started. In Iraqi Kurdistan emigration started after the collapse of the Kurdish movement led by Mustafa Barzani in March 1975. In Iranian Kurdistan it started after the “revolution” when the Islamists came to power. In Turkish Kurdistan it started as soon as the PKK movement emerged in the 1980s. In Syrian Kurdistan it started in 80s, but was very slow until the start of the “Arab Spring”.
At present, there are no data on the number of Kurds in these countries. However, one thing is clear, Kurds from Iraq and Turkey make up the majority of Kurdish migrants.

The Kurdish diaspora has many problems in common with migrants from other nations. These include language, housing, social connections, employment, and looking after family left behind in the homeland. What brought all migrants to their destinations were political reasons including economic issues. Many of them have suffered from imprisonment, repression and persecution. Attacks on some of their nations by the US, Russia and Western countries, or subjugation of their governments to the demands and wishes of these countries were also another major factor.
All the above problems were and still are common among almost all ethnic minorities. If we look at migrants from Africa as a whole, the Middle East, Asia, Central Asia, South East Asia, the Far East, some Eastern European countries and South America, we can see this is the reality. Their people have left their countries not least because of such reasons.

Given the main reasons for emigration to Europe and elsewhere are war and political issues we should ask an important question. Why are these people not involved in politics here, in their new countries? There could be various reasons for this. Seeking to avoid politicising their present suffering compared to the past, not connecting the cause of past suffering to the government in their new homeland, fear of attack and suppression from the countries they came from, family problems, lack of confidence, and social problems. There are probably other reasons too, related to what people face in their everyday lives: discrimination and prejudice, inequality and injustice. However, whatever their reasons, not participating in what goes on in their new countries cannot be justified.

In addition to the common causes that resulted in their emigration, migrants, wherever they came from, have enemies in common too. Migrants who have escaped their homelands now often live in States that are creating wars around the world; and that support the terrorist groups and make the arms deals with dictatorial and fascist governments that result in the displacement of people. Not only are these States causing mass migration, at the same time they are closing their borders in their face of those they have displaced. Given this, why are these people silent and failing to translate their anger and hope into some productive action?

In the rest of this article I will try to concentrate on the Kurdish diaspora in respect of their activities and involvement in politics. Many of them are very active for their own causes. However, generally, they do not connect their struggle to the machinations of the State in their country of destination and so do not expand their activities to actions against their new state, or to support for campaigns about local and national issues in their new homeland.

We all know our communities in Britain are under threat from whoever is in power, Labour, Tory or Lib Dem. We have been under this threat to the point at which we are at risk of losing our identity, our individual freedom, and whatever the present or previous generations have achieved. Indeed, we face losing almost everything. Look at the history of the past three or four decades: the restriction of freedoms, the installation of over 15 million surveillance cameras to invade our freedom by spying on us, being terrorised by the police through implementation of laws promulgating the so-called the war on terror, the attacks on trade union and workers’ rights, constant changes in the rules and regulations relating to qualifying for benefits and housing, homelessness, selling social housing, expanding academy schools, closing down maternity and A&E wards in many hospitals, trying to privatise other health services, long hospital waiting lists, the introduction of tuition fees, increase in utilities bills, increases in the pension age, the introduction of zero-hours contracts, over 6.5 million workers receiving less than the minimum wage, so many children living in poverty, over half a million people relying on food banks, and increases in pollution levels. The list can go on and on - in short we have modern slavery.

Most or all of the above problems affect Kurdish people, and other ethnic minority people, more so than native British people. The reasons for them being affected so badly are because they have large families, family problems here and back home, language difficulties, lack of understanding of the system, and psychological and health problems due to their social and political experiences.

There are many groups in different boroughs in London and in other cities campaigning against the government and corporations on each of the issues raised above. These groups have fought back against the government and the corporations in their own way and some of them have been successful. There is no doubt that the victories of any of these campaigns are much more beneficial to the Kurdish community and other ethnic minorities than to native people due to their special circumstances.

Kurdish people should be involved and campaign hard shoulder to shoulder with other people. It is time to escape the self-marginalisation, it is time to fully participate in local campaigns, it is time to publicise the issues affecting the Kurdish community here by going to meetings, taking part in demos, protests and offering solidarity to local campaigns and in return getting back support and solidarity with issues that are more specifically Kurdish.

With regard to the latter, Kurdish people should use this solidarity to make their own issues into local and national issues. Simply doing demos attended only by the Kurdish community, organising rallies and protests alone - making a bit of noise, raising some placards and pictures of one leader or another are not enough. If they expect this activity is sufficient for their voice to be heard by the media and the authorities here, they are mistaken.

If Kurdish people want their voices to be heard by the rest of the population, the State and local authorities they should integrate into wider society in order to get their sympathy, support and solidarity. It is not right to expect others to help you but not help them in exchange. The truth is everybody shares the fruit of winning campaigns.

Having said the above it does not mean Kurdish people should leave their own question behind and concentrate only on what is going here. More it is that if you want to gain more support and solidarity you should be involved in politics in the country you live in as well as your own questions. The Kurdish people should know that those who support their enemies back home are the State and corporations here. The weaker the State and the corporations here, the weaker the government in their own home countries, and the stronger the struggle and the faster the victory.

This is not simply a problem in Britain. I know through other comrades and friends in European and Scandinavian countries and the USA that there are hardly any Kurdish people taking part in activities unless those activities directly relate purely to the Kurdish struggle.

Here in UK, especially in London, where I have lived for a long time, I know there are many boroughs where the Kurdish Community constitutes a fair proportion of the ethnic minorities in the borough. In these boroughs there are major issues that people, including the Kurds, are facing. These issues directly affect the Kurdish people, but still they have been silent, concentrating on their own affairs as if these problems are nothing to do with them.

In Haringey where I live, we have major problems with the local authority and central government. While a great many of Kurdish people live in the borough, and indeed have a few community centres here, as far as I am aware, only a tiny minority of them are involved in any of the many ongoing campaigns in Haringey.

iberia / miscellaneous / non-anarchist press Monday October 30, 2017 15:47 byRichard Fidler

The Declaration begins by reciting the full text of a resolution adopted October 10 by the parliamentary representatives of the pro-independence parties. The resolution recalls the repeated and frustrated attempts by Catalonia since the adoption of the post-Franco Spanish constitution of 1978 to expand the very limited administrative autonomy it grants into political recognition as a nation within the Spanish state.

aced with hostile rulings by the Constitutional Court and the rejection of negotiations by the central government in Madrid, the Catalan government had called the referendum on self-determination held October 1 of this year. Pursuant to its result, the parliamentary deputies had determined to constitute the Catalan republic as an independent and sovereign state subject to the rule of law and to initiate a “democratic, citizen-based, transversal, participative and binding constituent process.”

The resolution ends by affirming the desire to open negotiations with the Spanish state, without pre-conditions, aimed at establishing “a regime of collaboration to the benefit of both parties.” It asks “the international community and the authorities of the European Union to intervene to stop the violation of the civil and political rights that is under way, and to witness the negotiating process with the Spanish state.”

It expresses the “unequivocal desire to join the international committee as quickly as possible,” the new state undertaking to comply with the international obligations currently applicable in its territory and continuing to “adhere to the international treaties to which the Kingdom of Spain is subject.”

And it calls on international governments and organizations “to recognize the Catalan Republic as an independent and sovereign state.”

The Declaration then expresses the Catalan parliament's rejection of the decision of the Spanish cabinet and Senate to apply article 155 of the Spanish constitution, which “amounts to the elimination of Catalan self-government.” This, it says, is “an attack on democracy without precedent in the last 40 years.”

The Declaration then sets out a series of measures proposed to implement independence. These include establishing a procedure for acquiring Catalan nationality, a proposal for dual nationality with the Kingdom of Spain, and the adoption of laws governing the transition to independence. The existing institutions and many of the existing laws and structures of the Catalonian autonomy will be retained. A public development bank will be established, as well as a new central bank, the Bank of Catalonia, to regulate the financial system.

An inventory of Spanish state property will be compiled and will be included in the negotiations with the Spanish state, as will a proposal for division of assets and liabilities between the two states.

Finally, the Parliament will open an investigation to determine the responsibilities of the government of the Spanish state and its institutions in offenses against fundamental individual and collective rights committed in the effort to frustrate the people's right to vote on October 1.

The second part of the Declaration, on “the constituent process,” calls on the Catalan government to establish a Constituent Assembly that will collect the proposals systematized in a Constituent Social Forum and submit them to a citizens’ consultation that will establish a binding mandate on the Parliament constituted as a Constituent Assembly resulting from constituent elections.

Readers will note that the declaration of the Republic by the Catalan parliament, together with the commitment to set in motion a process to define the constitution of the new Republic, is very similar to what Catalan socialist Esther Vivas was proposing in the concluding paragraphs of Dick Nichols’ second article.

A new stage in the struggle has begun in which the mobilized masses of Catalonia will be engaging in confrontations with the Spanish state and its repressive forces ranging from street demonstrations to mass civil disobedience. These developments, and the intense public debates they will promote, can help to arm the independence forces with a social agenda aimed not only against state repression and capitalist austerity but for a participatory and democratic movement that can point the way toward “another Catalonia” of social justice and equality. Their example can help educate and inspire working people and democratically inclined people in Spain and internationally with the progressive content and potential of the independentist process.

This page has not been translated into 한국어 yet.

This page can be viewed in
English Italiano Català Ελληνικά Deutsch



¿Què està passant a Catalunya?

¿Què està passant a Catalunya?

Mon 20 Nov, 17:10

browse text browse image

1286890_06_0025_11172017_20171117203118__mg_49251510945375_4_1.jpg imageΕνάντια στον αντ^... Nov 20 04:31 by Αναρχοσυνδικαλιστική Πρωτοβουλία Ροσινάντε 0 comments

azadi.jpg image[Catalunya] Propuesta de organización para los Comités de Defensa de la República inspirad... Nov 20 00:54 by Azadi 0 comments

fag1.jpg imageBrasil, deriva neoliberal y represión de los movimientos populares y del movimiento libert... Nov 20 00:42 by José Luis Carretero Miramar 0 comments

460_0___30_0_0_0_0_0_economicimperialisminindiaexamplemeaning.jpg imagePer una definizione dell'imperialismo nella fase del capitalismo globale e finanziario pos... Nov 17 02:04 by BrunoL 0 comments

donosl8waaaumn7.jpg image17 Νοέμβρη, Όλοι στο... Nov 15 18:09 by Αναρχική Ομοσπονδία 0 comments

maorilandworkerheader1912.jpeg imageThe Maoriland Worker on the Haymarket Martyrs Nov 15 11:11 by Copasetic65 0 comments

65327777a0f1ee1ab8a82c5d1d88c0c0.jpg imageTraditional Values: Housing & Direct Action Nov 15 11:06 by AWSM 0 comments

economicimperialisminindiaexamplemeaning.jpg imageTraçando uma definição de imperialismo na etapa do capitalismo global e financeiro pós-200... Nov 15 07:37 by BrunoL 0 comments

textGenova: Incontro europeo delle organizzazioni comuniste anarchiche/libertarie. Nov 14 07:24 by Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA 0 comments

textPordenone: welfare aziendale Nov 14 07:12 by Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA 0 comments

28b9eebf550d43177f73a101bb5894a5_1.jpg imageIl movimento anticapitalista nella Repubblica Catalana Nov 14 06:35 by Aitor Tarradellas 0 comments

textLucca: Donne Contro - intervista a 10 donne anarchiche, marxiste e femministe nella Rivolu... Nov 14 06:09 by Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA 0 comments

460_0___30_0_0_0_0_0_28b9eebf550d43177f73a101bb5894a5.jpg imageΗ κατάσταση στην ... Nov 13 19:43 by Aitor Tarradella 0 comments

15.jpg imageΌχι πυρηνικά στο_... Nov 13 04:18 by «δυσήνιος ίππος» 0 comments

textNew Mass Resistance as Spanish State Jails Catalan Ministers Nov 10 18:02 by Dick Nichols 0 comments

28b9eebf550d43177f73a101bb5894a5.jpg imageThe anticapitalist movement in the Catalan Republic Nov 09 18:14 by Aitor Tarradellas 0 comments

122115a1ad15482bbd2649c87bda8a88.jpg imageΔικαίωμα στην αυ`... Nov 09 04:11 by Αναρχική Συλλογικότητα mⒶnifesto 0 comments

rating_agencies.jpg imageAs agências de “análise” de risco e a violação de soberanias Nov 08 21:41 by BrunoL 0 comments

kiel_ne_endas__portada__a5.png imageKiel ne endas fari revolucion Nov 08 16:21 by Jurgo 0 comments

001africa1968africalazaroabreuemorydouglas.jpg imageNational Self-Determination, Internationalism, and Libertarian Socialism Nov 08 05:56 by Wayne Price 0 comments

textFace à la situation en Catalogne Nov 08 01:13 by Several Organizations 0 comments

sebokengphoto0042.jpg imageThe Cheap Politics that Destroy Our Communities Nov 07 23:24 by Nonzukizo Mute 0 comments

anarchistbanneratantiprivatisationforummarchjohannesburgca2007.jpg imageThe Way Forward for South Africa Nov 07 23:19 by Nkululeko Khubisa 0 comments

powertotheworkers.jpg imageHail the October Revolution Nov 07 16:22 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 0 comments

.jpg imageΠιοτρ Κροπότκιν, ... Nov 07 15:49 by ΕΠΙΜΕΛΕΙΑ: ΔΗΜΗΤΡΗΣ ΤΡΩΑΔΙΤΗΣ 0 comments

textNella battaglia dell'acciao GENOVA protagonista contro i LICENZIAMENTI! Nov 07 15:17 by Alternativa Libertaria /fdca 0 comments

textStuck in a Rut Nov 07 10:45 by Pink Panther 0 comments

textBrasile - Giù le mani dal movimento anarchico! Solidarietà con la FAG e gli anarchici bras... Nov 06 18:26 by Anarkismo Organizations - Anarkismo Network 0 comments

textBas les pattes du mouvement anarchiste ! Solidarité avec la FAG et les anarchistes au Brés... Nov 05 22:33 by Anarkismo Organizations 0 comments

fag_demo.jpg imageHands off the anarchist movement ! Solidarity with the FAG and the anarchists in Brazil ! Nov 05 21:41 by Anarkismo Organizations 1 comments

more >>
© 2005-2017 Anarkismo.net. Unless otherwise stated by the author, all content is free for non-commercial reuse, reprint, and rebroadcast, on the net and elsewhere. Opinions are those of the contributors and are not necessarily endorsed by Anarkismo.net. [ Disclaimer | Privacy ]