El 19 de julio de 1979 (43 años después del inicio de la Revolución Española contra el golpe de Estado de Franco) triunfaba en Nicaragua una revolución de claro contenido popular. Se ponía fin así a la dictadura de 46 años de la familia Somoza, dueños de Nicaragua y personeros de Estados Unidos. Desde 1855, con la invasión del “filibustero” Walker, Nicaragua ha sido un enclave norteamericano, una especie de semi-colonia, un país “libre” e “independiente” sólo formalmente, donde el control de Estados Unidos era total en todas las actividades nicaragüenses.

La gesta de Sandino con su “Ejército Rebelde”, cuyo principal objetivo era expulsar a los marines norteamericanos puso en jaque dicha presencia entre 1926 y 1933. El asesinato de Sandino a manos de Anastasio Somoza, en una verdadera emboscada, a traición, derrota al Ejército Rebelde y triunfa la reacción más asquerosa y vil al servicio del imperialismo norteamericano.

Sin embargo, el pueblo nicaragüense continuó resistiendo. Con pequeñas acciones, incluso asesinando a Somoza, pero sin poder evitar que se entronara en dinastía su familia. Los Somoza eran dueños de media Nicaragua, literalmente. El resto del país estaba en manos de una lánguida burguesía y de los intereses yanquis. La Iglesia, siempre fiel aliada a los Somoza y al status quo.

La Resistencia Popular se fue encauzando hacia pequeñas guerrillas, hasta que en 1961 se forma el Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional, bajo el influjo de la Revolución Cubana, y con una perspectiva de desalojar a la dictadura de Somoza, independizar definitivamente al país y abrir un tránsito propio hacia el Socialismo. La incidencia del FSLN crecía a nivel popular: entre los estudiantes de la Universidad -donde fueron reclutados muchos de sus militantes- , organizando barriadas, a los campesinos y diversos sectores sociales.

Así se llega luego de un largo trecho de combates, donde el FSLN gana una inmensa legitimidad entre sectores del pueblo, a derrotar definitivamente a la dictadura. Se iniciaba un nuevo período en la vida del país, donde se instalaban cooperativas de campesinos, experiencias donde convivían la propiedad colectiva con la pequeña propiedad privada, se organizaban y fortalecían sindicatos y demás organizaciones populares… read full story / add a comment

On the 21st April 2015 the Magistrates Court in Sebokeng sentenced 4 community activists from Boiketlong, to a total of 16 years in prison. The activists are: Dinah Makhetha, Sipho Mangane, Dan Molefe and Pulane Mahlangu. Key witnesses could not even identify the 4 but the courts sought to use the apartheid law of ‘doctrine of common purpose’ to jail them. They were found not guilty of ‘public violence’ but guilty of ‘assault, arson and malicious damage to property’.

Pulane Mahlangu has run away and no one knows where she is or if she is in good health. Either way, she cannot come home.

Dan Molefe died of stress-related illness in December 2017.

Although released for a short period while the appeal process was underway, both Dinah and Sipho are back in prison as they lost the first level of Appeal. The magistrate is prepared to consider shortening the sentence but not the sentence itself. The appeal process remains underway.

There is now an opportunity for a mediated process that may assist in a process of early release. There is an urgent need to cover the costs of mediation which we estimate could come to about R40 000. Appeals have been made to the community to raise funds as well to the broader movement. read full story / add a comment

Around the world the ruling class (capitalists, politicians and state managers) is trying to restore its profits by making the working class pay for the economic crisis. One way capitalists do this is by retrenching workers and making the remaining workers work harder to meet production targets, as well as by attacking wages, working conditions and benefits. States help capitalists do this, among other things, by increasing interest rates while giving corporations tax cuts, commercialising and privatising state owned enterprises and outsourcing the provision of basic services. States also help capitalists by undermining workers’ rights, such as the right to strike, in order to make it more difficult for workers to resist these attacks.

Unions have failed to defend workers from the immediate threat of these attacks (by preventing dismissals and defending jobs, wages and conditions), as well as to mount an effective resistance that can prevent further attacks and begin to roll back the devastating effects of neoliberalism. Moreover, union bureaucrats are often complicit in these attacks through deals they make with governments and bosses. A recent example in South Africa is the National Minimum Wage and amendments to the Basic Conditions of Employment Act and Labour Relations Amendment Bill – all of which represent an attack on workers yet were agreed to at Nedlac (the National Economic Development and Labour Council) by the leaders of the three main federations: Nactu, Fedusa and Cosatu.

Faced with this ruling class threat and with union bureaucracies that are either complicit or unwilling to fight, workers in Argentina have begun a process to build unity in struggle and a democratic worker-controlled alternative. read full story / add a comment

Ao que parece, a candidatura do deputado federal Jair Bolsonaro (PSL-RJ) emplacando como vice o general da reserva (quatro estrelas) Antonio Hamilton Marques Mourão marca uma nova etapa da relação das Forças Armadas (FFAA) e a sociedade brasileira. Bolsonaro, em seu afã de homenagear os facínoras dos porões, vai desmontar o "legado" da obra conjunta de operadores como Orlando Geisel (no desenho da estrutura da guerra interna) e do então capitão Carlos Alberto Brilhante Ustra, na montagem dos DOIs. DOI-CODI (Destacamento de Operações de Informações – Centro de Operações de Defesa Interna), com ramificações por todo o país e concentração nas maiores cidades da época (São Paulo, Rio de janeiro e Recife, dentre outras), como a sigla já diz, era para agir como Destacamentos operando unidades semi-autônomas e conjuntas subordinadas ao comando da Força Terrestre. read full story / add a comment

Racism has been a curse in South Africa, and remains embedded in the society. But how scientific are racist ideas? Where do they come from? And how can we fight racism and create a truly equal and fair society? What do we as revolutionary anarchists think?

Racial conflict, inequality, and hatred are not natural, but fed and reared by capitalism and the state. To really change the system, we need a massive programme of upgrading education, health, housing and services; an end to the racist heap labour system; a challenge to the ideological control that splits the working class; and a radical redistribution of wealth and power to the working class and poor –which in South Africa, means primarily the black working class and poor –as part of a social revolution. read full story / add a comment

Casas derruidas, calles abarrotadas de escombros y suciedad, esquinas vigiladas por quienes hace poco tiempo le juraban lealtad a Abu Bark Al Baghdadi -el misterioso líder del Estado Islámico (ISIS)-, y una población diezmada que si no huyó ahora vive bajo un sistema de terror custodiado por el ejército turco. Hogares y negocios saqueados, secuestros masivos de hombres y mujeres, muertes en cualquier momento del día, y un plan sistemático de reemplazo poblacional como pocas veces se vio en el siglo XXI. Estas postales desgarradoras forman parte de la realidad de Afrin, la región kurda del norte de Siria que fue invadida por Turquía en marzo de este año, causando la muerte de más de doscientas personas por los bombardeos aéreos que duraron dos meses y el desplazamiento de más de 150 mil habitantes que se refugiaron, en su mayoría, en la región de Shebha. read full story / add a comment

Weltweit sind deutsche Waffen am Morden beteiligt. Deutschland liegt bei den Rüstungsexporten auf Platz 4 und in der EU an zweiter Stelle. In den letzten 10 Jahren konnte Rheinmetall ohne großen Aufschrei zu einem der größten Munitionslieferanten der Welt aufsteigen.

A protest camp just next to a Rheinmetall production area will take place from 29.08.2018 - 04.09.2018 in Germany in Unterlues. read full story / add a comment

Communiqué d'un collectif qui entend arrêter la production de l'usine d'armement "Rheinmetall". Cette usine produit notamment des tanks qui sont utilisés par la Turquie pour son entreprise de nettoyage ethnique au Rojava. La guerre commence ici et c'est à nous de faire quelque chose contre elle.

Un camp aura lieu à proximité d'un site de production de Rheinmetall du 29/08/2018 au 04/09/2018 à Unterlues, en Allemagne. read full story / add a comment

Le armi tedesche sono coinvolte nelle uccisioni in tutto il mondo. La Germania è il quarto***es**portatore***di armi al mondo ed il secondo nell’UE. Negli ultimi 10 anni, Rheinmetall è stato in grado di diventare – senza molte proteste – uno dei maggiori fornitori di munizioni al mondo.

Campeggio dal 29/08/2018 al 04/09/2018 vicino alla fabbrica di Rheinmetall in Germania, a Unterlues. read full story / add a comment

Comunicado de un colectivo que intenta parar la fábrica de armas "Rheinmetall". Esa por ejemplo produce tanks que estan utilizados por Turquía en la depuración étnica de Rojava. La guerra comienza aquí y nosotros debemos hacer algo contra ella.

Un acampamiento al lado de la área de producción de Rheinmetall tendrà lugar desde el 29/08/2018 hasta el 04/09/2018 en Alemania, en Unterlues. read full story / add a comment

Οι δραστηριότητες που συγκροτούν την Αντιπολεμική Ημέρα της 1ης Σεπτεμβρίου δεν σημαίνουν μόνο την αντίστασή μας εναντίον ενός αμυντικού εργολάβου αλλά και την εκστρατεία μας για έναν άλλο κόσμο. Θέλουμε να συζητήσουμε πώς μπορεί να γίνει η μετάβαση από μια καταστροφική βιομηχανία σε μια οικολογική παραγωγή. Θέλουμε να υποστηρίξουμε την ειρηνική και κοινωνική συνεργασία αντί για τη δολοφονία και τον έντονο ανταγωνισμό. Δεν μπορούμε πλέον να αντέξουμε έναν κόσμο γεμάτο διακρίσεις και καταστολή. read full story / add a comment

... Από τη στιγμή που θεωρούν οι ίδιοι πως είναι ίσοι μεταξύ τους, με το ίδιο δικαίωμα στη Μητέρα Γη, δεν χρειάζονται αφεντικό για να προστατεύσουν τους προνομιούχους ενάντια σε αυτούς χωρίς προνόμια, επειδή όλοι είναι προνομιούχοι. read full story / add a comment

Καθήκον μας σήμερα να διαλυθούν κατά το δυνατόν αυτές οι «γκρίζες ζώνες», ο φονιάς και το θύμα να μην είναι αγκαλιά. read full story / add a comment

O abraço dos desesperados pode se dar na aposta, ou falta de opções, em torno de Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB-SP). O ex-governador de São Paulo recebeu ainda no final de julho o apoio formal de DEM, PP, PR, PRB, SD. O autointitulado “Centro Democrático” seria a continuidade do Centrão da Constituinte, décadas após veio a ser chamado de Blocão na Era Cunha e retornando ao nome de Centrão no Brasil pós-golpe. Se formos avaliar a condição da aliança, além de razoável consonância programática – que difere pouco ou nada das ideias manifestas sem definir um programa fechado com Jair Bolsonaro – significa uma chance real de disputar parcelas de poder, tanto na União como nos estados. read full story / add a comment

H μονοκαλλιέργεια του τουρισμού και ο υποβιβασμός κάθε άλλης παραγωγικής δραστηριότητας ενέχουν πάντα τον κίνδυνο η πόλη να καταρρεύσει σε περίπτωση που σταματήσει να πουλά το τουριστικό. Και η “φούσκα” του τουρισμού φαίνεται να εξαρτάται σε σημαντικό βαθμό από την ύπαρξη αστάθειας και πολέμου στις γειτονικές χώρες, συνθήκη στην οποία συμβάλλει ενεργά το ελληνικό κράτος.
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Ce court article traite des derniers développements de la situation sociale explosive qui a cours actuellement en Irak. read full story / add a comment

In order to understand government politics, it is necessary to have a theory of the state. The essay reviews classical anarchist and Marxist views of the class-based, pro-capitalist, nature of the state. But there are also non-class and non-capitalist influences on the state. These need to be integrated into a class theory of the state. read full story / add a comment

Ce qui suit est un récit de la situation actuelle dans le sud et dans le centre de l’Irak. Cela fait plus d’une semaine [Note du Traducteur : plus de deux semaines à l’heure de la traduction] que des manifestations et des protestations de masse se tiennent contre le gouvernement central et les autorités locales, mais également contre les compagnies pétrolières. Cet article tente d’expliquer brièvement la situation. A lire aussi : Des nouvelles des manifestations à Bagdad et dans le sud de l’Irak : ça continue! read full story / add a comment

The context we now exist in is one that is defined by glaring contradictions everywhere, its fractured, changing, unstable and confrontational. It is a time of despair, but also pockets of hope. On the one hand, a spectre is haunting us, but it is not the one that Marx spoke of. Rather an authoritarian and extreme right wing form of capitalism, last seen on extensive scale in the 1930s, is rearing its hideous ghost-like head. This right wing extremism has become an ‘acceptable’ form of politics amongst some people in the context of the unresolved capitalist crisis. It is the ‘solution’ amongst sections of ruling classes in many countries to a crisis that is not going away. As part of this, many states are passing laws attacking basic rights that oppressed classes have won through decades and even centuries of struggle (including in South Africa); states are beginning to bare their teeth more often rather than being in a position to rule by consent; toxic nationalisms based on exclusionary racial, ethnic and religious identities (including within sections of the population in South Africa) have once again become acceptable and even embraced by sections of the population (giving rise to the likes of Trump, Le Pen and Duterte and xenophobia and other ills in South Africa); and bigotry and hate are back. Yet there is also hope. In many parts of the world, sections of the working class have fought back. This has seen movements of protests in some parts, attempts to revive unions in others and in some cases the re-emergence of left political parties and projects. But it is also a restructured working class, a working class that is fundamentally different from even the 1970s. New or different forms of organising happen next to the old. It is thus also a working class in which the past weighs like a nightmare on the present in organisational terms; experimenting with the new and different ways of organising, but also falling back into the old. read full story / add a comment

This short report covers the current situation of Iraq read full story / add a comment