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international / the left / review Wednesday November 22, 2023 05:26 byWayne Price   text 3 comments (last - thursday march 28, 2024 11:36)

Trotsky's "Transitional Program" has both strengths and weaknesses from the viewpoint of revolutionary anarchist-socialism. It is an important document of historical socialism, although deeply flawed.

This is a discussion, from the viewpoint of revolutionary anarchism, of Leon Trotsky’s Transitional Program, perhaps the central text of Trotskyism. (Trotsky 1977)

There are huge differences between anarchism and Trotskyism, centered on the state. Yet there is also a significant overlap. Both are on the far-left, opposed to Stalinism, in all its hideous varieties, as well as to social-democracy (“democratic socialism”). Both propose the overturn of the existing state and capitalism, by the working class and all oppressed, to be replaced by alternate institutions. There are many varieties of Trotskyism as of anarchism, some more in agreement than others.

Given this overlap, there have been quite a few Trotskyists who have become anarchists, of one sort or another—and anarchists who have become Trotskyists. Personally, I have done both. In high school I became an anarchist-pacifist, and then in college turned to an unorthodox version of Trotskyism. Eventually I became a revolutionary class-struggle anarchist-socialist. However, I still remain influenced by aspects of unorthodox-dissident Trotskyism (also by libertarian—“ultra left”—Marxism, and other influences.)

This is not a discussion of Trotsky’s earlier years in politics, when he opposed V.I. Lenin’s authoritarian approach (similar to Rosa Luxemburg’s views). Nor of Trotsky’s collaboration with Lenin in leading the Russian Revolution. Following which they created a one-party police state, the foundation for Stalinism. The Transitional Program is from the last period of Trotsky’s life, when he fought against the totalitarian bureaucracy. This was until he was murdered by a Stalinist agent—about a year after the document was written. (For a critical overview of Trotskyism, from a libertarian socialist perspective, see Hobson & Tabor 1988.)

Anarchism and Trotskyism have certain things in common as well as major distinctions. It may be useful to explore these similarities and differences, from the perspective of analyzing Trotsky’s Transitional Program. In my opinion, it is an important historical document of socialism, but remains deeply flawed.

The Program’s Expectations

This document was adopted in 1938, as the founding program of the new “Fourth International” of Trotsky’s followers. Its official title was “The Death Agony of Capitalism and the Tasks of the Fourth International.” It became known as the Transitional Program. Mostly written by Trotsky, he held extensive discussions about it beforehand. (Trotsky 1977)

Of course, a work written this long ago, before the upheavals of World War II, must be out of date in various ways. There is a section on the “fascist countries,” although the explicitly fascist regimes are now gone. Another section is on the USSR, a country which no longer exists. One is on “colonial” countries, but the colonial empires of Britain, France, and so on have been mostly destroyed. Yet fascism, Stalinism, and imperialism are still with us.

We can judge the Transitional Program by comparing what it predicted to what actually happened. Trotsky’s program is based on a belief that the world was going through “the death agony of capitalism.” Aside from the Marxist analysis of capitalist decline, empirically there had been the First World War, the Great Depression, a series of revolutions (mostly defeated), the rise of Stalinism, and the rise of fascism. It was widely expected that a Second World War would break out soon—as it did within a year. The state of world capitalism looked pretty dismal.

Trotsky had expected the war to be followed by a return to Depression conditions. So did most bourgeois economists as well as most Marxist theorists. Under such conditions, he believed, there would be continuing revolutionary upheavals throughout the world. The Soviet Union would either be overthrown in a workers’ revolution or would collapse back into capitalism. These developments would give the Trotskyists, although few at first, a chance to out-organize the Stalinists, social democrats, and colonial nationalists, and lead successful socialist revolutions.

In fact, there were upheavals and revolutions following the world war—from the huge wave of union strikes in the United States, to the election of the Labour Party in the U.K., to the big growth of Communist Parties in Italy and France, to the Communist-led revolutions in eastern Europe (Yugoslavia, Albania, and Greece—the last failed) to the independence won by India and the great Chinese revolution, among other Asian revolutions. These were followed by decades of revolutionary struggles throughout Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

Despite the Trotskyists’ best intentions, almost all the upheavals and attempted revolutions were led by liberals, social democrats, and“Third World” nationalists—but worst of all was the disastrous misleadership of the Communists. In places where they had a working class base, such as France and Italy, they followed reformist programs. In other countries they channeled popular revolutions into one-party, authoritarian, state-capitalisms (as in Yugoslavia and China, and later Cuba).

This could happen because the “developed” countries did not collapse into a further Depression. Instead they blossomed in a period of prosperity, often referred to as “Capitalism’s Golden Age.” The world war had reorganized international imperialism, with the U.S. now at its center. There had been an expanded arms economy, a concentration of international capital, and a major looting of the environment.

This period of high prosperity (at least for white people in the imperialist countries) lasted until about 1970. The Soviet Union had difficulties after this too, but lasted until about 1990. Then it finally fell back into a traditional capitalist economy.

In discussions before the international conference, Trotsky considered the possibility of a temporary period of prosperity. “The first question is if a conjunctural improvement is probable in the near future….We can theoretically suppose that [a] new upturn…can give a greater, a more solid upturn….It is absolutely not contradictory to our general analysis of a sick, declining capitalism….This theoretical possibility is to a certain degree supported by the military investment….A new upturn will signify that the definite crisis, the definite conflicts, are postponed for some years.” (Trotsky 1977; Pp. 186-7, 189) At one point he even speculated that the U.S. might have “a period of prosperity before its own decline …[for] ten to thirty years.” (p. 164)

In other words, there might be a period of apparent prosperity within the general epoch “of a sick, declining capitalism.” This possibility does not seem to have been taken very seriously by the Trotskyists. In any case, the prosperous period was not brief or brittle, as the Trotskyists expected, but lasted for decades.

In my opinion, Trotsky (and other Marxists and anarchists) were correct to conclude that we are living in the general epoch of capitalist decline. Developments since the 1970s have supported this belief. But he downplayed the probability of the results of the world war creating an extensive period of prosperity within the overall epoch of decline.

In particular, he overlooked the possible effects of the technological and ecological effects of the war and its aftermath. Of course, he could not foresee the nuclear bomb and nuclear power. Also, he did not realize that the massive use of “cheap” petroleum would provide a boost to the capitalist economy. And then its aftereffects would create the ecological disasters of global warming, international pollution, species extinction, and pandemics. These are all signs “of a sick, declining capitalism.”

Few radicals of Trotsky’s generation focused on ecology. This is even though Marx and Engels had considered the negative effects of capitalism on the natural world (as has been examined by John Bellamy Foster and other ecological Marxists). Among anarchists, Kropotkin and Reclus had explored ecological issues. More recently, so has Murray Bookchin, even before the eco-Marxists.

In the current period, conditions of crisis and pre-revolutionary situations may be recurring—economically, politically, and ecologically. These conclusions imply that at least some of Trotsky’s proposals for a revolutionary program may still be useful for anarchists to consider, even as other aspects are rejected.

The Most Oppressed

Perhaps the most libertarian part of the Transitional Program is its insistence on revolutionaries reaching out to the most oppressed and super-exploited layers of the working class. Trotsky is not against better-off unionists, not to mention intellectuals, but he most wants to win the worse-off workers.

During militant struggles, he writes, factory committees may stir workers whom the unions do not reach. “…Such working class layers as the trade union is usually incapable of moving to action. It is precisely from these more oppressed layers that the most self-sacrificing battalions of the revolution will come.” (p. 119) “The Fourth International should seek bases of support among the most exploited layers of the working class, consequently among the women workers.” (p. 151) “The unemployed…the agricultural workers, the ruined and semi-ruined farmers, the oppressed of the cities, women workers, housewives, proletarianized layers of the intelligentsia—all of these will seek unity and leadership.” (P. 136) “Open the road to the youth!” (p. 151) (Elsewhere, in his discussions with U.S. Trotskyists, he criticized them for not reaching Black workers.) Bakunin, who always looked to the most oppressed, could agree!

Councils and Committees

When the working class was in a militant and rebellious temper, Trotsky advocated that revolutionaries advocate the formation of councils and committees—not instead of existing unions but in addition to them. In particular, he called for “factory committees” which would be “elected by all the factory employees.” (p. 118) These would begin to oversee the activities of the bosses and their managers. They would organize regular meetings with each other, regionally, industrially, and nationally—laying the basis for a democratic planned economy. He also writes of “committees elected by small farmers” as well as “committees on prices.” (pp. 126-7)

This focus on democratic committees of workers and others does not (to Trotsky) necessarily contradict a belief in governmental economic action. He is all for “a broad and bold organization of public works.” But this should be done under “direct workers’ management.” (p. 121) Further, “Where military industry is ‘nationalized,’ as in France, the slogan of workers’ control preserves its full strength. The proletariat has as little confidence in the government of the bourgeoisie as in an individual capitalist.” (p. 131) This last sentence is certainly one with which an anarchist would agree!

The Transitional Program considered how a new workers’ revolution in the Soviet Union would change the economy. It would have a “planned economy” but in a democratic form—managed by committees. “[To] factory committees should be returned the right to control production. A democratically organized consumers’ cooperative should control the quality and price of products.” (p. 146)

Anarchists might agree that society should be organized through radically democratic committees. But anarchists would disagree with the notion that all committees should be representative. The Transitional Program does not mention face-to-face direct democracy. Perhaps, in Trotsky’s concept, the workers will gather together in order to elect the factory committee, and then go back to their work stations, waiting for orders from the committee? Anarchists are not against choosing delegates to go to meetings with other committees or to do special jobs. But an association of committees must be based in directly-democratic participatory assemblies, if people are really to control their lives.

A society of democratic committees should culminate in an association of overall councils or “soviets” (Russian word for “council”). “The slogan of soviets, therefore, crowns the program of transitional demands.” (p. 136) Under capitalism, these soviets would be a center of power which would be an alternative to the state—a “dual power.” In the course of a revolution, the soviets would replace the bourgeois state as the center of society. To Trotsky, this would make it the basis of a “workers’ state”—“the dictatorship of the proletariat.”

Instead, anarchists work towards the federation of councils and committees, of the workers and all oppressed, federated with all voluntary associations. They would form overall councils (although we probably would not use the term “soviet”!). This federation would be the alternate to capitalism and the state.

The Transitional Program states that the soviets must be pluralistic. “All political currents of the proletariat can struggle for leadership of the soviets on the basis of the widest democracy.” (p. 136) Democracy would include “the struggle of various tendencies and parties within the soviets.” (p. 185) Presumably this would include anarchists as a “political current”or “tendency.”

Trotsky proposed the competition of various parties and tendencies within the soviets, implying that one would eventually win the “struggle for leadership.” He does not mention the possibility of mergers, alliances, and united fronts—as if one tendency could have all the best militants and all the right answers. Yet the October Russian Revolution was carried out by a coalition of Lenin’s Communists, Left Social Revolutionaries (peasant-populists), and anarchists. The first Soviet government was an alliance of the Communists and the Left SRs, supported by the anarchists. It was the Leninists whose policies created the one-party state, and made it a matter of principle.

In the Transitional Program, Trotsky never explains why Lenin and himself established the Soviet Union as a one-party state. In all his writings, he never explained why they made a principle out of it. Within the USSR, the Trotskyists opposed Stalin, bravely going to their deaths, but still advocating a one-party state. It was only in the mid-thirties that Trotsky came out for multi-party soviets.

A federation of soviets and of committees in workplaces and neighborhoods would be able to take care of overall problems, including economic coordination, collective decision-making, settling of disputes, setting up a popular militia to replace the police and army (managed through committees), and so on. But anarchists insist that it would not be a state. A “state” is a bureaucratic, centralized, institution, over the rest of society. Inevitably it would serve a ruling minority. The Trotskyists regard a soviet-council system as the basis of a new (“workers’”) state, once it is led by (their) truly revolutionary party.

This might seem like an argument over phrases. But once accepting that your goal is a “state,” then you are not limited to a radically-democratic council system. Trotsky continued to call the Soviet Union under Stalin a “workers’ state”—if a “degenerated workers’ state.” He fully recognized that the Russian working class (not to speak of the peasant majority) had absolutely no power under Stalin’s bureaucratic dictatorship. Nevertheless, Russia kept “nationalization, collectivization, and monopoly of foreign trade.” (p. 143) That, to Trotsky, is what made Russia still a “workers’ state”—however much “degenerated.” Trotsky advocated the revolutionary overthrow of the Stalinist bureaucracy, but meanwhile it had to be defended from capitalism.

To Trotsky then, the key criteria for a state of the working class was not that the “state” was the self-organization of the workers, but that property was nationalized, etc.

Following this logic, the “orthodox” Trotskyist majority regarded the new Communist states after World War II as “deformed workers’ states.” The countries of eastern Europe, China, etc., all had nationalized property and monopolies of foreign trade. So they too were “workers’ states” —just “deformed.” And Cuba and maybe Vietnam were “healthy workers’ states.”

A minority dissented. They regarded the Soviet Union (like its imitations) as a class-divided society, ruled by a collectivized bureaucratic class, which exploited the workers and peasants. Some called it “state capitalism,” others a “new class” system. Anarchists agree overall with this view—but believe the system’s roots lay in Lenin and Trotsky’s policies.

The key question is not so much the analysis of the Soviet Union, a country which no longer exists (replaced by Putin’s Russia). It is: What is meant by socialism (or a “workers’ state” or a society moving toward socialism)? Is socialism defined by nationalization of industry, or by the freedom and self-management of the working people—the anarchist view?

National Self-Determination

Most of the world was (and is) the victims of imperialism. Therefore the Transitional Program expected “colonial or semicolonial countries to use the war in order to cast off the yoke of slavery. Their war will be not imperialist but liberating. It will be the duty of the international proletariat to aid the oppressed nations in their war against the oppressors.” (p. 131)

Historically many anarchists similarly supported wars of oppressed peoples “against the oppressors”: Bakunin, Kropotkin, Malatesta, and many others. (See Price 2022; 2023) But today quite a number do not. They do not accept that imperialism divides the world between imperialist and exploited nations. They reject all wars between states without distinguishing between oppressor and oppressed countries.

This issue has divided anarchists over the Ukrainian-Russian war. Yet to many of us, the situation seems clear: the Ukrainian people are waging a defensive war of national self-determination, while the Russian state is engaged in imperialist aggression. Anarchist-socialists must be on the side of the oppressed, especially when they fight back.

It is possible that another imperialist government—in competition with the one oppressing the rebellious country—might give aid to that country (as the USA is aiding Ukraine). The Transitional Program says that revolutionaries should not give support to that “helpful” imperialist state. “The workers of imperialist countries, however, cannot help an anti-imperialist country through their own government….The proletariat of the imperialist country continues to remain in class opposition to its own government and supports the non-imperialist ‘ally’ through its own methods….” (p. 132)

At the same time, “…the proletariat does not in the slightest degree solidarize…with the bourgeois government of the colonial country….It maintains full political independence….Giving aid in a just and progressive war, the revolutionary proletariat wins the sympathy of the workers in the colonies…and increases its ability to help overthrow the bourgeois government in the colonial country.” (p. 132) This is not nationalism but internationalism. “Our basic slogan remains: Workers of the World Unite!” (p. 133)

In contemporary terms, revolutionaries should be in solidarity with the Ukrainian workers and oppressed people in their military struggle—“giving aid in a just and progressive war.” (Interestingly, several current Trotskyist groupings do not support Ukraine against Russian imperialism, despite their formal belief in “national self-determination.” This says something about the present state of Trotskyism.) Yet revolutionary socialists do not give political support to Biden’s US government nor to the Zelensky Ukrainian government. Our goals are the eventual revolutionary overturn of these states, as well as that of Putin’s Russia. The same approach goes for other anti-imperialist national struggles around the world, most of which are directed against the U.S. and its allies.

[This was written before the latest irruption of the Israeli-Palestinian War. Following the above approach, revolutionary anarchist-socialists should be on the side of the Palestinian people struggling for national self-determination against the Israeli state, while opposing the reactionary politics of Hamas as well as its reactionary and criminal tactics. Again, many Trotskyist groups of today do not follow this approach.]

An anarchist perspective on national self-determination would be in agreement with that of the Transitional Program—with one important difference. Like Trotsky, the anarchists’ ultimate goal of supporting a nation’s struggles is to “overthrow the bourgeois government,” in both the imperialist and oppressed countries. For Trotsky, this is to be followed by establishing “workers’ states.” But anarchists want to replace all bourgeois governments with non-state associations of councils, committees, assemblies, and self-managed organizations.

The Transitional Method

Trotsky objects to the traditional Marxist approach to program, as developed by the social democratic parties (especially in pre-World War I Germany). That approach had two parts: a “maximal” and a “minimal” program. The maximal program was the ultimate goal of socialism. It was raised in speeches at yearly May Day parades. Like the Christian’s hope of heaven, it had little to do with day-to-day living. The minimal program was one of union recognition, better wages and conditions, public services, and democratic rights. These demands were limited to what could be achieved under capitalism.

Trotsky was concerned with the wide gap between the objective crises of capitalism in decay and the consciousness of most workers and oppressed people. He proposed a “bridge” between the crises and workers’ thinking. These demands would offer a “transition” from the old minimal, partial, and democratic demands to socialist revolution.

“This bridge should include a system of transitional demands, stemming from today’s conditions and from today’s consciousness of wide layers of the working class and unalterably leading to one final conclusion: the conquest of power by the proletariat.” (p. 114)

For example, to deal with the effects of inflation on wages, he proposed “a sliding scale of wages.” All wages, salaries, and public benefits should be attached to the level of prices. Wages would automatically rise when prices rose (judged by committees of working class consumers).

Unemployment should be dealt with through a “sliding scale of hours.” The more unemployment, the shorter hours should be overall, without losses in pay—as in “Thirty Hours Work for Forty Hours Pay.” These are essentially socialist principles: the total amount of wealth produced should be divided among those working and dependents; the total amount of work that needed to be done should be divided among those able to work. The title of one section in the Transitional Program pretty much summarizes the method: “The picket line/defense guards/workers’ militia/the arming of the proletariat”.

Unlike the minimal program of liberal union bureaucrats or of social democratic politicians, transitional demands are not limited to what the capitalists can afford—or say they can afford. The transitional demands start with what people need. If the capitalists are able to pay this (in wages or public services), then they must be forced to do so. If they cannot pay what people need, then they should no longer be allowed to run society for their private benefit. Let the working people take over and run the economy to satisfy everyone’s needs. “‘Realizability’ or ‘unrealizability’ is in the given instance a question of the relationship of forces, which can be decided only by the struggle.” (p. 116)

The revolutionary implications of this method were clearer in a period of severe economic crisis, when basic needs could not be met for most working people. This was the case in the depths of the Great Depression. But in a period such as the 1950s post-war boom, there was an even greater gap between immediate, limited, demands and the need for revolution. A large proportion of white workers and newly middle class people were living better than ever before (in the U.S., and then in other imperialist countries). The underlying threats (of nuclear extermination or ecological destruction) could be downplayed. The transitional method had less usefulness.

Now the post-war prosperity is over. With periodic ups and downs, world capitalism has overall been stagnating and declining. Wars are continuing and ownership of nuclear bombs is spreading. Despite efforts by climate reformists to find ways of limiting the damage, global warming is crashing through the veneer of capitalist stability. Something like the Transitional Program—or at least the method of transitional demands—is needed more than ever.

Along with Trotsky’s demands, there needs to be a program of ecological transitional demands: democratic ecological-economic planning; worker’s control/management of industry to transition to non-polluting, green, useful production; expropriation of the oil-gas-coal corporations; socialization of the energy industry under workers’ and community control; public subsidizing of ecologically-balanced consumer coops and producer coops; support for organic farms in the country and in towns and cities; etc., etc.

Revolutionary Organizations

The “Death Agony of Capitalism and the Tasks of the Fourth International” was written as a program for a specific organization, intended to be an international revolutionary party. It was hoped that this body, beginning small, would replace the Second (Socialist) International and the Third (Communist) International (or “Comintern”). And thereby save the world.

It begins: “The world political situation as a whole is chiefly characterized by a historical crisis of the leadership of the proletariat.” (pp. 111)

The fundamental crisis of decaying capitalism periodically inspires the mass of the working class to rebel. This shows the possibility of successful revolutions. But, during the preceding non-revolutionary periods, the leaderships of the main workers’ parties and unions have “developed powerful tendencies toward compromise with the bourgeois-democratic regime.” (p. 117-8) The anarcho-syndicalist unions were included in this. As a result, the unions and parties (which the workers had previously come to trust) hold back the revolution. They lead the people to defeat.

“In all countries…the multimillioned masses again and again enter the road of revolution. But each time they are blocked by their own conservative bureaucratic machines.” (p. 112)

This generalization was most observable during the revolutionary years after World War I, up to the rebellions following World War II. During the post-war prosperity, there was less likelihood of the “multimillioned masses” becoming revolutionary. Therefore, even the best revolutionary party (or federation) would have had difficulty overcoming bureaucratic “tendencies toward compromise.”

Yet there were revolutions and almost-revolutions. As mentioned, there were upheavals in poorer Southern countries, including the Vietnam war of national liberation, the Cuban revolution, and the South African struggle against apartheid. In eastern Europe there were attempted revolutions, such as the 1953 East Berlin workers’ revolt and the 1956 Hungarian revolution. Western Europe had the almost-revolution of France’s May-June 1968, among others. In all these cases, a revolutionary leadership might have made a difference (perhaps preventing the victory of Stalinism in Vietnam and Cuba).

Among anarchists, many have also advocated revolutionary organization. This includes Bakunin’s Brotherhood, the St. Imier anarchist continuation of the First International, the syndicalists’ “militant minority,” the views of Errico Malatesta, the Platform of Makhno, Arshinov, and others, the Spanish FAI, and Latin American especifismo.

These conceptions agree only somewhat with Trotsky’s perspective of a political organization, composed of revolutionaries who are in general agreement. An anarchist grouping does seek to coordinate activity, to develop theories and practice, and to influence bigger organizations and movements (such as unions, community associations, anti-war movements, etc.). They try to win the workers and others from the influence of their political opponents, including reformists and Stalinists.

Trotsky sought to build a centralized (“democratic centralist”) Leninist party internationally. While supposedly democratic, the International and the national parties would be managed from the top down. Anarchists have proposed organizations which are internally democratic and organized in a federal fashion. And, unlike political parties, no matter how radical, their aim would not be to take power, to rule over the councils and committees. They want to inspire, organize, and urge the oppressed and exploited to free themselves.

Anarchism and Trotskyism

In the Transitional Program, Trotsky mentions anarchism (or anarcho-syndicalism) only a few times. In France, he points out that the union federation once organized by anarcho-syndicalists had turned into a business union (and had supported World War I). During the 1936-9 Spanish Civil War, the leaders of the anarchist federation—and the union federation they led—had betrayed the revolution by joining the capitalist government. From the viewpoint of revolutionary anarchism, his criticisms in these situations are legitimate.

Trotsky lumps the anarchists overall with the social democrats and Stalinists as “parties of petty-bourgeois democracy…incapable of creating a government of workers and farmers, that is, a government independent of the bourgeoisie.” (p. 134)

If the term “government” is used as a synonym for “state,” then anarchists have had no interest in creating any kind of “government.” However, the word could be used to mean democratic coordination of popular councils and workers’ organizations. This is what the Friends of Durruti Group advocated during the Spanish Civil War. In that sense, the question is whether anarchists can lead in organizing society “independent[ly] of the bourgeoisie.”

Trotsky ignores the revolutionary anarchists who denounced the French and Spanish union officials for betraying the program and principles of libertarian socialism. It is such anarchists, eco-socialists, syndicalists, internationalists, anti-state communists, and true revolutionaries on whom an up-to-date revolutionary program depends.

The Transitional Program has virtues and insights, which have been pointed out here. The “method of transitional demands” remains valuable—even more valuable now than in the recent past. The vision of a federation of councils, committees, and assemblies is important, if we leave out Trotsky’s conception of a centralized “workers’ state.” To anarchists, the Transitional Program remains as an important document in the history of socialism, but one which still has serious flaws.

References

Hobson, Christopher Z., & Tabor, Ronald D. (1988). Trotskyism and the Dilemma of Socialism. NY: Greenwood Press.
Price, Wayne (2022). “Malatesta on War and National Self-Determination” https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32666 search_text=Wayne+Price

Price, Wayne (2023). “Anarchists Support Self-Determination for Ukraine; What Did Bakunin Say?” https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32774
Trotsky, Leon (1977). The Transitional Program for Socialist Revolution. (Eds.: George Breitman & Fred Stanton.) NY: Pathfinder Press.
Includes: The Death Agony of Capitalism and the Tasks of the Fourth International. Pp. 109—152.
Discussions with Trotsky. Pp. 73—108.
Preconference Discussions. Pp. 153—199.

*written for Black Flag: Anarchist Review (UK virtual journal)

international / miscellaneous / review Tuesday November 21, 2023 17:47 byWayne Price   text 1 comment (last - thursday march 28, 2024 05:36)

In many ways Comfort reminds me of another anarchist-pacifist, as well as poet and novelist, Paul Goodman (although Goodman seems to have been one of the few influential anarchists whose path did not cross with Comfort). Goodman wrote that he had been criticized for “spread[ing] himself thin on a wide variety of subjects, on sociology and psychology, urbanism and technology, education, literature, esthetics, and ethics….It is false that I write about many subjects. I have only one, the human beings I know in their [human]-made scene.” (1962; p. xiii) As this book shows, the same could be said of Alex Comfort.

The Joy of Alex Comfort: A Review of Eric Laursen’s Polymath; the Life and Professions of Dr. Alex Comfort Author of The Joy of Sex.

Wayne Price

Alex Comfort (1920—2000) is best remembered as the author of the bestselling The Joy of Sex. Not as many recall him as an anarchist and pacifist, who was also a significant poet and novelist, a medical doctor, an authority on mollusks, a founding figure in gerontology (the study of aging) as well as sexology, and a writer on humanistic views of religion. Even one of these activities would have been enough to mark a significant life. All together, they do indeed make him a “polymath,” as his biographer labels him. To Comfort himself, he regarded these “professions” as aspects of his overall process of living. They reflected his anarchist philosophy of individual responsibility and communal sharing.

To cover each of Comfort’s life-activities requires a lot of space which accounts for the size of this book. The book might have been better trimmed by an editor; for example, there is really too much about the ins and outs of British book publishing. And readers will have varying interests in Comfort’s activities. A good deal is properly taken up about Comfort’s place in British poetry, but personally it is a topic I am not concerned about. I was most interested in Comfort’s radical politics and in The Joy of Sex as a cultural phenomenon, as well as his personal life story. But that’s me.

Comfort called himself a pacifist. “Sometimes, however, he found that the pacifist community was more committed than he to absolute nonviolence.” (p. 148) He admired the guerrilla methods of the French resistance and of Michael Collins’ IRA. It was mass regular armies to which he objected. During World War II, he was not draftable due to a crippled hand. He was part of a campaign against Allied bombings of civilian areas. The campaign was ineffective, but some who supported the war, such as the U.S. bioregionalist Lewis Mumford, also condemned the British and U.S. civilian bombings. These culminated in Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

After World War II, Comfort became more active in the British anarchist movement, including writing pamphlets and books. The movement tended to be divided into two factions. One was mostly anarcho-syndicalists, who focused on union and working class organizing. Their goal was a working class revolution. The other did not deny that the class struggle remained real, but focused on apparently cross-class issues such as disarmament, civil liberties, and culture. They tended to see social conflicts as not so much between classes as between the individual and a repressive society. (These perspectives are not necessarily exclusive.) Rather than an eventual revolution, they looked toward a gradualist, reformist, series of changes. (See Price 2015.)

The slant away from the more traditional working class orientation reflected post-war conditions. While strikes and union struggles continued, overall Britain followed the U.S. into the post-war prosperity (which lasted until about 1970). Meanwhile the Soviet Union solidified into Stalinist totalitarianism. Many interpreted this as disproving the value of revolution.

The advantage of this turn was its relevance to a non-revolutionary situation. It led to exploration of issues, such as sexuality and aging, which overlapped with class but were not based in it. Nor did this have to lead to isolated individualism. The anarchists and radical pacifists became leaders of major anti-war and disarmament movements, which shook British politics. (In the U.S., radical pacifists played important roles in the Civil Rights and anti-Vietnam War movements, even after most leftists had been driven out of the unions.) Comfort was one of the prominent leaders of the UK disarmament movement. With other activists, he went to jail for civil disobedience.

There were also disadvantages in this turn away from class struggle. It meant losing contact with workers when class-based mass strike waves did break out. It meant a lack of strategic power and perspective. Only the working class, due to its role in production and the economy, has the potential power to shut down society and to start it up in a different way. Even the large nuclear disarmament demonstrations did not have the power to force a change in government policies. Rejecting revolution, they underestimated the danger that the capitalist class and its state would violently resist peaceful and democratic attempts at fundamental change.

We are in a much more crisis-ridden situation then in Comfort’s time. The catastrophe of climate change (and other ecological disasters), economic stagnation, the spread of wars (with the danger of nuclear war), as well as other difficulties, are increasing even while governments are stalled and incompetent. In this period, anarchist reformism has less use.

In his personal life, Alex Comfort was fairly conventional, leaving aside his having two wives in two households for some years. The author does not think that this worked out to anyone’s satisfaction. Eventually Comfort divorced wife number one and married wife number two.

His biggest success was The Joy of Sex, which was a runaway international bestseller. Comfort, his publisher, and the illustrators, had worked to create a book which was clearly not pornographic yet not an academic-medical tome. Artfully done, with Comfort’s friendly commentary, the book struck at just the right moment. The idea of sex as a mutually cooperative and respectful pleasurable activity became widely accepted. The book was such a success that Comfort eventually came to describe it as an “albatross” around his neck; attempts to become known for his championing of issues related to aging were overwhelmed by his reputation as the “sex guru.”

In later years Comfort focused most on problems of aging. While in the U.S., he collaborated with Maggie Kuhn of the “Gray Panthers,” to build a movement of militant elders. Somewhat to my surprise, he is not reported to have been involved in the movement to end the U.S.-Vietnam war, either in the U.S. or Britain (although when living in the U.S. he was a resident and had to be careful in opposing the government).

In many ways Comfort reminds me of another anarchist-pacifist, as well as poet and novelist, Paul Goodman (although Goodman seems to have been one of the few influential anarchists whose path did not cross with Comfort). Goodman wrote that he had been criticized for “spread[ing] himself thin on a wide variety of subjects, on sociology and psychology, urbanism and technology, education, literature, esthetics, and ethics….It is false that I write about many subjects. I have only one, the human beings I know in their [human]-made scene.” (1962; p. xiii) As this book shows, the same could be said of Alex Comfort.

References

Goodman, Paul (1962). Utopian Essays and Practical Proposals. NY: Random House.
Laursen, Eric (2023). Polymath: The Life and Professions of Dr. Alex Comfort Author of The Joy of Sex. Chico CA: AK Press.
Price, Wayne (2015). “Colin Ward’s Anarchism.”
https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/wayne-price-colin-ward-s-anarchism

*written for www.Anarkismo.net

mashriq / arabia / iraq / imperialism / war / feature Saturday October 14, 2023 20:31 byMelbourne Anarchist Communist Group   text 6 comments (last - wednesday january 17, 2024 19:25)

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The Israeli military has ordered the residents of the northern half of Gaza to evacuate within 24 hours. It is impossible for over one million people to do this in such a short time. The order can only be interpreted as a public relations formality and prelude to genocide. All workers and soldiers in a position to prevent this have a duty to act.

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machrek / arabie / irak / impérialisme / guerre / communiqué de presse Saturday October 14, 2023 20:28 byMelbourne Anarchist Communist Group   text 4 comments (last - tuesday february 06, 2024 00:46)

L’armée israélienne a ordonné aux habitants de la moitié nord de Gaza d’évacuer dans les 24 heures. Il est impossible pour plus d’un million de personnes de le faire en si peu de temps. Cet ordre ne peut être interprété que comme une formalité de relations publiques et un prélude à un génocide. Tous les travailleurs et soldats en mesure d’empêcher cela ont le devoir d’agir.

L’ordre d’évacuation est un signe que les FDI sont sur le point de lancer une invasion terrestre de Gaza qui ne fera aucune distinction entre les civils et les combattants et contre laquelle il n’y aura pas de refuge sûr. Le résultat sera un massacre.

Ce qui se prépare n’a rien à voir avec le fait de traduire le Hamas en justice. Il s’agit de la punition collective d’un peuple entier, dominé par un système d’apartheid, que le gouvernement d’extrême droite en Israël veut voir éradiqué. L’interdiction légale du génocide érigée en 1945 sera vidée de son sens.

Les soldats enrôlés de Tsahal doivent défier leurs ordres. Ils sont envoyés pour tuer des hommes, des femmes et des enfants innocents qui ne demandent qu’à être libres et à vivre. Pour mettre fin à cette atrocité, ils doivent se mutiner. Ils doivent marcher sur Jérusalem et arrêter leur gouvernement criminel.

Les travailleurs d’Israël doivent se mettre en grève, couper les vivres à l’armée et paralyser la guerre de Netanyahou.

Les marins de la marine américaine en Méditerranée orientale doivent également défier leurs ordres. Sinon, ils seront complices de la destruction de maisons et du meurtre de familles. S’ils rentrent au port avec leur navire, ils seront accueillis comme de véritables défenseurs des droits de l’homme et de la justice.

Travailleurs des États-Unis - L’immunité d’Israël face à la justice dépend largement de l’aide et du soutien de votre gouvernement. Descendez dans la rue. Parlez-en à vos collègues et à vos syndicats. Exigez la fin de la complicité américaine dans l’apartheid et le génocide. Des actions de soutien peuvent être entreprises par les travailleurs du monde entier dans le cadre de manifestations de solidarité. Les contestations locales de la complicité de la classe dirigeante et des médias avec les crimes d’Israël peuvent commencer à faire converger la pression internationale.

Partout où un travail est effectué qui contribue à la machine de guerre israélienne, les travailleurs doivent faire grève, interrompre le commerce et mettre fin à toute activité qui aide les FDI dans leur massacre.

Nous reconnaissons qu’il est probablement trop tard pour empêcher le massacre d’Israël à Gaza. S’il est possible de l’empêcher, il faut le faire. Si l’on ne peut pas l’empêcher, il faut y mettre un terme dès que possible. Une fois que les travailleurs du monde entier auront empêché le génocide planifié, nous pourrons aborder la question de la paix et de la justice pour tous.

« PLUS JAMAIS » SIGNIFIE PLUS JAMAIS - POUR PERSONNE

Διεθνή / Εργατικοί Αγώνες / Γνώμη / Ανάλυση Thursday October 12, 2023 06:55 byTommy Lawson   text 1 comment (last - wednesday october 25, 2023 19:29)

Επιπλέον, οι κοοπερατίβες δε θα πρέπει να στοχεύουν στο κράτος να ενσωματώσει τους εργαζόμενους στη διοίκηση. Οι ουσιαστικές κατακτήσεις των εργατών θα είναι το αποτέλεσμα του αγώνα που δίνουν στους χώρους εργασίας, μέσα από μορφές άμεσης δράσης που έρχονται σε ευθεία αντιπαράθεση με το κεφάλαιο. Οι σοσιαλιστές που στρέφονται στην εργασία σε συνεταιρισμούς μπορεί κάλλιστα να είναι σοσιαλιστές στην καρδιά και την πρόθεση, αλλά δεν ακολουθούν επαναστατική στρατηγική.

Κάθε τόσο το ζήτημα των κοοπερατίβων εγείρεται στο επαναστατικό σοσιαλιστικό κίνημα. Αισιόδοξες θέσεις υποστηρίζουν ότι οι συνεταιρισμοί μπορούν να αποτελέσουν τη βάση για την αντικατάσταση του καπιταλισμού με μια νέα οικονομία που θα βασίζεται στην αλληλεγγύη και την εργασία, όπου οι εργαζόμενοι θα έχουν τον «έλεγχο». Μάλιστα, αυτές οι απόψεις υποστηρίζουν ότι οι κοοπερατίβες αποτελούν ζωτικό μέρος της επαναστατικής στρατηγικής. Αυτές οι θέσεις έχουν διατυπωθεί ήδη στο παρελθόν, υπάρχουν στο παρόν και θα αναπαράγονται και στο μέλλον. Ωστόσο, τα θετικά χαρακτηριστικά των συνεταιρισμών δεν μπορούν να αντικαταστήσουν την επαναστατική στρατηγική και την οικοδόμηση της δύναμης της εργατικής τάξης ενάντια στον καπιταλισμό.

Οι συζητήσεις σχετικά με τον ρόλο των συνεταιρισμών στην επαναστατική στρατηγική μπορούν να ανιχνευθούν πίσω στη δεκαετία του 1850 και στην Α’ Διεθνή, όταν οι μουτουαλιστές όπως ο Πιέρ Ζοζέφ Προυντόν και ο κομμουνιστής Τσαρλ Μπίσλεϊ υποστήριζαν τις συνεταιριστικές οικονομίες. Πίστευαν ότι καθώς οι εργάτες συγκέντρωναν τα δικά τους κεφάλαια και τα επένδυαν από κοινού, οι συνεταιρισμοί θα μπορούσαν σιγά-σιγά να αντικαταστήσουν τις ατομικές καπιταλιστικές επιχειρήσεις. Ενώ πρότειναν μια ποικιλία σχεδίων, για να κάνουν αυτό το σχέδιο να καρποφορήσει, η πραγματικότητα ήταν ότι το κεφάλαιο δεν μπορούσε να προσαρμοστεί, για να εξυπηρετήσει την εργατική τάξη. Οι ρεφορμιστικές θέσεις των μουτουαλιστών αμφισβητήθηκαν από ανθρώπους όπως ο Ζοζέφ Ντεζάκ και ο Ευγένιος Βαρλέν, οι οποίοι κατανοούσαν ότι το κεφάλαιο πρέπει να αντιμετωπιστεί και να ανατραπεί με μαχητικό, ένοπλο αγώνα της εργατικής τάξης.

Σήμερα στην Αυστραλία οι θιασώτες της συνεταιριστικής οικονομίας αναφέρονται στην Earthworker. Η Earthworker κατασκευάζει «συσκευές και εξαρτήματα ανανεώσιμων πηγών ενέργειας» και βλέπει τον εαυτό της ως «μέρος της διασφάλισης μιας δίκαιης μετάβασης για τις κοινότητες που επηρεάζονται από τη μετάβαση από τα ορυκτά καύσιμα στις ανανεώσιμες πηγές ενέργειας…» Αυτό ισχύει τουλάχιστον για το αρχικό εγχείρημα της Earthworker, η οποία ανέλαβε ένα εργοστάσιο που έκλεισε μετά το τέλος της βιομηχανίας ηλεκτροπαραγωγής από άνθρακα στην κοιλάδα Λα Τρόουμπ, στη Βικτώρια. Η Earthworker έχει έκτοτε επεκταθεί σε υπηρεσίες καθαρισμού και είναι ανοιχτή στην επέκταση σε νέα έργα.

Η Earthworker σημειώνει ότι «πιστεύει ότι η κοινωνική και η περιβαλλοντική εκμετάλλευση είναι αλληλένδετες και ότι τα προβλήματα της κλιματικής αλλαγής, της εργασιακής ανασφάλειας και της αυξανόμενης ανισότητας πρέπει να αντιμετωπιστούν ταυτόχρονα, μέσω μεγαλύτερης από τα κάτω οικονομικής ιδιοκτησίας». Ωστόσο, πρέπει να τεθεί το ερώτημα πόσο μακριά φτάνει η «μεγαλύτερη από τα κάτω οικονομική ιδιοκτησία» απέναντι στη γιγαντιαία δύναμη της βιομηχανίας ορυκτών καυσίμων και των διεθνών εταιρειών. Η δύναμη μερικών εργαζομένων που είναι ενωμένοι σε μια μικρή επιχείρηση ωχριά απέναντι στο οργανωμένο εργατικό κίνημα, δηλαδή τη μοναδική δύναμη που μπορεί να αντιμετωπίσει το κεφάλαιο. Ιστορικά, ακόμη και όταν οι εργαζόμενοι ενώνουν τους πόρους τους και προσπαθούν να δημιουργήσουν «εναλλακτικές» οικονομίες, αυτές καταλήγουν είτε να αποτυγχάνουν είτε να αναγκάζονται να προσαρμοστούν στις παραδοσιακές επιχειρηματικές πρακτικές, προκειμένου να είναι ανταγωνιστικές.

Όλα αυτά δεν έχουν σκοπό να υποτιμήσουν τις προσπάθειες ούτε τους ανθρώπους που συμμετέχουν σε μια συνεταιριστική επιχείρηση όπως η Earthworker. Η γέννηση της Earthworker ήταν μια οργανική απάντηση στην απώλεια θέσεων εργασίας και στην κάλυψη μιας κενής θέσης στην αγορά. Εντούτοις, τμήματα της ριζοσπαστικής αριστεράς στην Αυστραλία και η υποστήριξή της στις κοοπερατίβες πρέπει πάραυτα να επικριθούν. Στο τελευταίο πρόγραμμα των Σοσιαλιστών της Βικτώριας, στη θεματική ενότητα «Εργαζόμενοι και συνδικάτα» παρουσιάζεται μια πολιτική που στοχεύει στην «εισαγωγή μέτρων που ενθαρρύνουν τον εργατικό έλεγχο και τη συμμετοχή των εργαζομένων στη λήψη αποφάσεων στον χώρο εργασίας…» μέσω νομικών μεταρρυθμίσεων που διασφαλίζουν ότι οι εργαζόμενοι λαμβάνουν δικαιώματα διοίκησης, μερίδιο στα κέρδη και το πρόσθετο μέτρο της επιβολής υψηλότερων φόρων μισθοδοσίας στις μη συνεργατικές επιχειρήσεις. Θα προσφέρουν, επίσης, φορολογικές ελαφρύνσεις στους συνεταιρισμούς ενθαρρύνοντάς τους ως «κανονική μορφή ιδιωτικής επιχείρησης». Λες και η εργατική τάξη επωφελείται από την ιδιωτική επιχειρηματικότητα και τον περισσότερο ανταγωνισμό!1 Ο σοσιαλισμός της αγοράς μπορεί να προκύψει από μια ατελή ή αποτυχημένη προσπάθεια επανάστασης, αλλά δεν είναι κάτι για το οποίο πρέπει να αγωνιστούμε ενεργά.

Τέτοιες ιδέες είναι πραγματικά άσχετες με το σημερινό πλαίσιο της οικονομίας και της ταξικής πάλης. Ο καπιταλισμός έχει ήδη αναπτύξει τόσο τεράστιες παραγωγικές δυνάμεις, ώστε μια μελλοντική επανάσταση θα πρέπει να λάβει σοβαρά υπόψη της το καθήκον της κατάργησης της παραγωγής για ανταλλακτική αξία. Τα εμπορεύματα που παράγονται για μια αγορά εξακολουθούν να απαιτούν από τον εργάτη να υπόκειται στην έλλειψη ορθολογικού σχεδιασμού. Ως αποτέλεσμα, πρέπει να «πειθαρχήσουν» τον εαυτό τους αποδεχόμενοι μειώσεις μισθών και αυξήσεις στην ένταση της εργασίας, προκειμένου να διατηρήσουν ένα ανταγωνιστικό καθεστώς στην αγορά. Ακόμη και αν αυτές οι αποφάσεις λαμβάνονται δημοκρατικά, δεν υπάρχει πραγματική ανατροπή των καπιταλιστικών σχέσεων.

Όπως σημείωσε ο Καρλ Μαρξ στην Κριτική του Προγράμματος της Γκότα, οι κοοπερατίβες, που ιδρύθηκαν στον αγώνα με την κατάληψη των καπιταλιστικών επιχειρήσεων, έχουν «αξία μόνο στον βαθμό που είναι ανεξάρτητο δημιούργημα των εργατών και όχι προστατευόμενοι είτε της κυβέρνησης είτε των αστών». Έτσι, το μεταβατικό πρόγραμμα ενός πολιτικού κόμματος που θέλει να εντάξει τους εργαζόμενους στη διαχείριση του κράτους και της καπιταλιστικής οικονομίας δεν είναι επαναστατικό. Σε ένα άρθρο του 1897 στην εφημερίδα L’Agitazione, με τίτλο «Οι πειραματικές αναρχικές αποικίες», ο Ερρίκο Μαλατέστα σημείωνε, επίσης, την αντίφαση πως όσοι ζουν ή εργάζονται σε συνεταιριστικές σχέσεις πρέπει αναγκαστικά να πειθαρχήσουν, προκειμένου να διατηρήσουν το κέρδος, παρέχοντας έτσι φτηνή εργασία στην αγορά, η οποία υποτιμά το υπόλοιπο προλεταριάτο.

Επομένως, το ζήτημα των θετικών ή αρνητικών πτυχών των συνεταιρισμών είναι αμφισβητήσιμο. Ακόμα και αν η εργασία των ατόμων μπορεί να μετασχηματιστεί ελαφρώς με το να έχουν δικαίωμα ψήφου για τις μεθόδους και τους στόχους της παραγωγής, η ίδια η φύση των συνεταιρισμών ως θεσμών για την παραγωγή εμπορευμάτων τούς καθιστά ένα επαναστατικό αδιέξοδο. Ακόμα και οι επιχειρήσεις που καταλαμβάνονται από τους εργάτες κατά τη διάρκεια του αγώνα και μετατρέπονται σε συνεταιριστική παραγωγή αντιμετωπίζουν αδιέξοδο, αν ο ευρύτερος αγώνας σε ολόκληρη την κοινωνία δε συνεχίσει να προχωράει μπροστά. Έτσι, αν και αλληλένδετες, οι υποκειμενικές και αντικειμενικές συνθήκες της καπιταλιστικής κρίσης και της σοσιαλιστικής συνείδησης αναδεικνύονται περισσότερο από τη συνεχιζόμενη σύγκρουση και την ταξική πάλη ενάντια στις υπάρχουσες συνθήκες παρά από τη συνεταιριστική παραγωγή.

Δύο μικρά παραδείγματα μπορούν να καταδείξουν την επαναστατική θέση. Κατά τη διάρκεια του Biennio Rosso (Κόκκινη Διετία) της Ιταλίας, εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες εργάτες κατέλαβαν τα εργοστάσια στη βόρεια Ιταλία. Οι επαναστάτες αναρχικοί της Ιταλικής Αναρχικής Ένωσης (UAI) και της Ιταλικής Συνδικαλιστικής Ένωσης (USI) σημείωσαν ότι τα κατειλημμένα εργοστάσια στα χέρια των ίδιων των εργατών δεν αποτελούσαν από τη φύση τους μια επαναστατική κατάσταση. Το καπιταλιστικό κράτος πρέπει να αμφισβητηθεί και να ανατραπεί. Υποστήριξαν ότι οι εργάτες πρέπει να ξαναρχίσουν την παραγωγή, προκειμένου να τραφούν όλοι. Άλλωστε, η επανάσταση δε γίνεται από τη μια μέρα στην άλλη. Όμως, οι Ιταλοί εργάτες χρειάζονταν όπλα και οργάνωση, για να προωθήσουν περαιτέρω τον αγώνα. Δυστυχώς τους απογοήτευσαν άλλες αριστερές οργανώσεις, οι οποίες αρνήθηκαν να προχωρήσουν τις απεργίες περαιτέρω ή να οργανωθούν, για να οπλίσουν τους εργάτες, συμπεριλαμβανομένης της πλειοψηφίας των μαρξιστών.

Το 1969 η κατασταλτική κυβέρνηση της Ουρουγουάης θέσπισε εργατικούς νόμους με στόχο την κατάρριψη της μαχητικής συνδικαλιστικής οργάνωσης σε όλη τη βιομηχανία επεξεργασίας κρέατος. Ο μεγάλος συνεταιρισμός El Cerro Refrigeration Establishment υποστήριξε τις μεταρρυθμίσεις, επιχειρώντας παράλληλα να διαλύσει τα συνδικάτα. Ως απάντηση, τα συνδικάτα που επηρεάστηκαν σε μεγάλο βαθμό από την Αναρχική Ομοσπονδία της Ουρουγουάης (FAU) δημιούργησαν ένα καμπ έξω από τον συνεταιρισμό, ξεκίνησαν απεργίες σε όλη τη βιομηχανία και κατέλαβαν τους χώρους εργασίας τους. Οι συνεταιρισμοί παρουσιάζονται συχνά ως ένα πιθανό «συμπλήρωμα» στον αγώνα των εργαζομένων. Όμως, το 1969 στην Ουρουγουάη υπονόμευσαν ανοιχτά το εργατικό κίνημα. Έτσι, ενώ η El Cerro Refrigeration υπονόμευε την εργατική αλληλεγγύη, η FAU απάντησε μέσω της Οργάνωσης Εργαζομένων-Σπουδαστών (ROE), για να συγκεντρώσει κεφάλαια, να δημιουργήσει οδοφράγματα και να πολεμήσει την αστυνομία. Η ROE ήταν μια στρατηγική μαζική οργάνωση που χρησιμοποιήθηκε ως πραγματικό συμπλήρωμα της ταξικής πάλης, κινητοποίησε κοινωνικούς τομείς εκτός των συνδικάτων, για να βοηθήσει στην κλιμάκωση της ταξικής πάλης. Αυτές οι τακτικές ήταν μέρος μιας μακροπρόθεσμης στρατηγικής για την ανάπτυξη της ταξικής συνείδησης και την οικοδόμηση της αντιπαράθεσης με το κράτος και την προετοιμασία για την ανατροπή του καπιταλισμού.

Η ιστορικά αισιόδοξη θέση ότι οι συνεταιρισμοί θα μπορούσαν να οικοδομήσουν μια εναλλακτική λύση στον καπιταλισμό ή να διαδραματίσουν σημαντικό ρόλο στη μετάβαση είναι ακόμη πιο περιττή σήμερα. Αντίθετα, οι επαναστάτες έχουν την ευθύνη να αναπτύξουν και να δεσμευτούν σε στρατηγικές κατάλληλες για την ανατροπή του κράτους και του κεφαλαίου. Οι συνεταιρισμοί μπορεί να διαδραματίσουν θετικό ρόλο σε κοινότητες όπου το κεφάλαιο δεν παρέχει τα αναγκαία αγαθά ή μπορεί να δημιουργηθούν με την κατάληψη ενός καπιταλιστικού χώρου εργασίας κατά τη διάρκεια μιας περιόδου έντονης ταξικής πάλης. Αυτές είναι απολύτως λογικές καταστάσεις, αλλά οι επαναστάτες θα πρέπει να βρίσκονται μαζί με τη μάζα των εργαζομένων βοηθώντας στην οργάνωση του αγώνα και στην προώθηση του ταξικού πολέμου. Επιπλέον, οι κοοπερατίβες δε θα πρέπει να στοχεύουν στο κράτος να ενσωματώσει τους εργαζόμενους στη διοίκηση. Οι ουσιαστικές κατακτήσεις των εργατών θα είναι το αποτέλεσμα του αγώνα που δίνουν στους χώρους εργασίας, μέσα από μορφές άμεσης δράσης που έρχονται σε ευθεία αντιπαράθεση με το κεφάλαιο. Οι σοσιαλιστές που στρέφονται στην εργασία σε συνεταιρισμούς μπορεί κάλλιστα να είναι σοσιαλιστές στην καρδιά και την πρόθεση, αλλά δεν ακολουθούν επαναστατική στρατηγική.

Σημειώσεις:

1. Αυτό γίνεται πιο παράλογο από την πολιτική μιας Λαϊκής Τράπεζας, η οποία θα προσφέρει άτοκα δάνεια σε συνεταιριστικές επιχειρήσεις. Ο Προυντόν, και όχι ο Μαρξ, φαίνεται τελικά ότι «κέριδσε»

Πηγή: Red & Black Notes

https://www.alerta.gr/archives/33311

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image.png imageCarta de Opinión Marzo 2024 Mar 09 00:40 by Federación Anarquista Santiago 1 comments

(...) la destrucción de lo que nos oprime no vendrá de una de las instituciones que sostiene el sistema de dominación, ningún tipo de Estado ni de proyectos que pacten con él podrán aterrizar cambios significativos en la autonomía de nuestras cuerpas, derechos sociales para las de abajo o construcción de espacios seguros. El caso de Argentina es ejemplificador de aquello, de qué sirve tener un Ministerio de las Mujeres, Géneros y Diversidad o decretar el uso del lenguaje inclusivo en todos los documentos de las instituciones estatales si basta con un cambio de gobierno para desmotar estas medidas con los mismos instrumentos con los que se “ganaron”. Como lo mencionamos en nuestra matriz de análisis, el Estado es una institución central para el actual sistema de dominación, de ahí que las medidas de corto plazo que surgen desde él siempre tenderán a reforzar su legitimidad. Mientras no sean los movimientos sociales, en el marco de la lucha de clases, los que logren conquistas sociales y políticas, prefiguren la sociedad libre y den la batalla ideológica que se contraponga al modelo actual, ningún cambio será duradero ni podrá movilizar y articular a las de abajo por su defensa. En síntesis, no será garantía ni certeza de nada.

61z6jtrb0ml.jpg imageMalatesta’s Revolutionary Anarchism in British Exile Feb 28 08:50 by Wayne Price 2 comments

A review of the writings and speeches of Errico Malatesta, the great Italian anarchist and comrade of Bakunin and Kropotkin. Material is taken from the 13 years he spent in London exile. His views remain relevant--and controversial among anarchists.

carta_de_opinin_general.png imageCarta de Opinión Enero 2024 Jan 29 23:40 by Federación Anarquista Santiago 1 comments

En el plano internacional, el genocidio sobre el pueblo de palestina continúa; el Estado de Israel con el apoyo de EEUU, la Unión Europea y el mundo occidental en general, llevan meses realizando una política sistemática de aniquilación de la población de Gaza. Por nuestra parte no nos extraviamos en laberintos epistémicos y nos solidarizamos con la resistencia palestina en Gaza y Cisjordania. Sin embargo, no hay que mirar solamente al sionismo y su política de muerte, en Wallmapu se vive una guerra sucia sin la extensión y crudeza de Gaza, pero con el mismo objetivo: la erradicación de quienes se oponen a los opresores. En el territorio ancestral mapuche, el gobierno progresista ha sostenido una militarización sin precedentes, buscando desarticular el movimiento autónomo mapuche por medio del terrorismo de Estado. A día de hoy existen más de 60 presxs políticxs mapuche, las comunidades son acosadas constantemente e incluso desalojadas de sus tierras por la “Ley Anti Toma”, a su vez, comunerxs encarceladxs mantienen una larga huelga de hambre, que ya se ha extendido por más de 70 días exigiendo la nulidad del juicio racista que les ha condenado a extensas penas.

whatsapp_image_20231205_at_10.16.jpeg imageEncuentros Ácratas: Miradas anarquistas sobre el libertarianismo de derecha. Dec 05 23:59 by ViaLibre 0 comments

Miradas anarquistas sobre el libertarianismo de derecha.

textL’Intifada depuis la France Dec 01 03:38 by Anonyme 0 comments

Ce texte est une traduction et une adaptation collectives d'un texte originellement écrit sur Puget Sound Anarchists à l'attention des anarchistes nord-américain/e/s. La section "cibles" a été adaptée par nos soins à la situation européenne et plus particulièrement française.
Ce texte se propose d'apporter des solutions à la passivité dans laquelle nombre de camarades se sont enfermé/e/s face à l'horreur des crimes d'Israël, leur permettant des sorties par le haut et qui reposent sur des principes horizontaux et anti-autoritaires, sur des modes d'action à notre portée géographique.

octoberrevolution.jpeg imageAn Anarchist View of Trotsky’s "Transitional Program" Nov 22 05:26 by Wayne Price 3 comments

Trotsky's "Transitional Program" has both strengths and weaknesses from the viewpoint of revolutionary anarchist-socialism. It is an important document of historical socialism, although deeply flawed.

download.jpg imageThe Joy of Alex Comfort Nov 21 17:47 by Wayne Price 1 comments

In many ways Comfort reminds me of another anarchist-pacifist, as well as poet and novelist, Paul Goodman (although Goodman seems to have been one of the few influential anarchists whose path did not cross with Comfort). Goodman wrote that he had been criticized for “spread[ing] himself thin on a wide variety of subjects, on sociology and psychology, urbanism and technology, education, literature, esthetics, and ethics….It is false that I write about many subjects. I have only one, the human beings I know in their [human]-made scene.” (1962; p. xiii) As this book shows, the same could be said of Alex Comfort.

resist_genocide.jpg imageResist Genocide Oct 14 20:31 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 6 comments

resist_genocide_1.jpg imageRésister au génocide Oct 14 20:28 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 4 comments

L’armée israélienne a ordonné aux habitants de la moitié nord de Gaza d’évacuer dans les 24 heures. Il est impossible pour plus d’un million de personnes de le faire en si peu de temps. Cet ordre ne peut être interprété que comme une formalité de relations publiques et un prélude à un génocide. Tous les travailleurs et soldats en mesure d’empêcher cela ont le devoir d’agir.

coops.jpeg imageΚοοπερατίβες ή τ^... Oct 12 06:55 by Tommy Lawson 1 comments

Επιπλέον, οι κοοπερατίβες δε θα πρέπει να στοχεύουν στο κράτος να ενσωματώσει τους εργαζόμενους στη διοίκηση. Οι ουσιαστικές κατακτήσεις των εργατών θα είναι το αποτέλεσμα του αγώνα που δίνουν στους χώρους εργασίας, μέσα από μορφές άμεσης δράσης που έρχονται σε ευθεία αντιπαράθεση με το κεφάλαιο. Οι σοσιαλιστές που στρέφονται στην εργασία σε συνεταιρισμούς μπορεί κάλλιστα να είναι σοσιαλιστές στην καρδιά και την πρόθεση, αλλά δεν ακολουθούν επαναστατική στρατηγική.

10801079108610731088107210781077108510801077_20230924_162632077min.png imageA volunteer from Kharkov was tortured by the military after trying to leave Ukraine Oct 11 22:55 by Assembly 1 comments

Full original version: https://assembly.org.ua/ustalost-rozhdaet-zlost-pytki-harkovskogo-volontera-v-tczk-i-chto-o-nem-izvestno/
First published on Libcom: https://libcom.org/article/volunteer-kharkov-was-tortured-military-after-trying-leave-ukraine

380713793_699111572256482_5298125431710198778_n.jpg imageFORO CONVERSATORIO: A 50 AÑOS DEL GOLPE CÍVICO MILITAR Los desafíos y tareas del anarquism... Oct 05 02:24 by Asamblea Anarquista Valparaíso y Federación Anarquista Santiago 1 comments

En el marco de los 50 años del golpe cívico-militar en los territorios dominados por el Estado chileno, realizaremos, en la ciudad de Santiago y en Valparaíso, un foro conversatorio en el que compartiremos nuestras reflexiones sobre lo que significó el golpe para nuestra clase y la organización popular, así como sobre los desafíos y tareas del anarquismo hoy

1.jpeg imageAnarchists in Rojava: Revolution is a struggle in itself Oct 04 23:52 by Jurnal mapa 1 comments

União Libertária, a group of young libertarians in Portugal, came into contact with militants of the Tekosîna Anarsîst (TA, Anarchist Struggle in Kurdish), present in Rojava, in northeastern Syria. This is a militant conversation around the reflections of this voluntary anarchist group around justice, art, religion and what it is to be "revolutionary". TA, in addition to having participated in the difficult fight against the forces of the Islamic State (ISIS), currently also functions as a unit of combat medics, assists in agricultural work and plays an educational role.

61thrfbmy8l.jpg imageAn Attempted Marxist-Anarchist Dialogue Oct 03 07:13 by Wayne Price 2 comments

Review of "Revolutionary Affinities: Toward a Marxist-Anarchist Solidarity," by Michael Lowy & Oliver Besancenot. Two writers from Trotskyist backgrounds discuss the overlap and interaction between anarchism and Marxism.

tea_paros_nacionales.jpeg imageTaller de Estudios Anarquistas: La experiencia de los paros nacionales en Colombia Sep 12 08:38 by ViaLibre 9 comments

Del 14 de septiembre al 5 de octubre

377428561_843860310647981_2410053042863431509_n_1.jpg imageComunicado Público a 50 años del Golpe Cívico-Militar Sep 12 05:10 by Asamblea Anarquista de Valparaíso y Federación Anarquista de Santiago 2 comments

El terror fue desatado sistemáticamente desde el Estado y cayó la noche sobre la alegría de los pueblos. La contra revolución capitalista se abrió paso brutalmente con una imparable avanzada de muerte, tortura, violencia sexual y desaparición forzada, a la vez que llevaba a cabo la misión estratégica de desarticular todas las expresiones comunitarias en donde la vida fuera resuelta de manera solidaria, colectiva y en autogestión. La dictadura cívico-militar se desplegó tácticamente en múltiples dimensiones para sembrar el miedo en la sociedad, con el fin de desmantelar la fuerza social organizada que había hecho posible la experiencia socialista en la región chilena. Estos procesos de desmantelamiento político, social y emocional de gran parte de la clase organizada han provocado una herida colectiva, profunda y traumática, herida que la impunidad y los pactos de silencio institucionales mantienen abierta hasta el día de hoy y que ha traído múltiples consecuencias en la experiencia vital colectiva de todxs quienes hemos crecido en estos territorios los últimos 50 años y más.

images.jpg imageA Talk on the Ukrainian-Russian War Aug 31 03:36 by Wayne Price 7 comments

A talk on the Ukrainian-Russian war, from an anarchist perspective. I reviewed my reasons for being in solidarity with the Ukrainian people. But revolutionary anarchists should give no political support to the Ukrainian government nor to the U.S. imperialists who help it.

sudan_soli_tu_copy.png imageSürgündeki Sudanlı anarşistleri destekleyin Aug 30 15:53 by Çeşitli anarşist örgütler 1 comments

Sürgün olmak asla kolay bir karar değildir. Asla bir seçim değildir. Kaynaklar olmadan, gerçek bir çileye dönüşebilir. Dayanışma, bu zor zamanların üstesinden gelmenin anahtarıdır.

[لغۃ العربیۃ] [Castellano] [Deutsch] [English] [Français] [Italiano] [한국어] [Português]

text망명중인 수단 아나키스트... Aug 29 05:56 by Various anarchist organisations 0 comments

우리의 아나키스트 동지들은 여전히 수단에 남아 있으며 그곳에서 은밀하게 선전 활동을 계속하고자 합니다. 우리는 전쟁 전과 전쟁 초기에도 동지들에 대하여 재정적으로 지원을 제공했습니다. 하지만 상황이 더욱 악화되면서, 수단 내부에서의 사회적 활동이나 정치활동은 불가능한 것이 되었습니다. ‘신속지원군’에게 고향을 약탈당한 일부 회원들은 RSF에 가능한 한 빨리 수단을 떠나기로 결정했습니다. 다른 사람들은 아직 수단에서의 활동을 더 이어가기로 결정했으며 우리도 그들을 돕기 위해 노력하고 있습니다. [عربي] [Castellano] [Deutsch] [Eλληνικά] [English] [Français] [Italiano] [Português] [Türkçe]

textΥποστηρίξτε τους... Aug 29 05:45 by Διεθνές κάλεσμα 0 comments

Οι αναρχικοί σύντροφοί μας βρίσκονται ακόμα στο Σουδάν και ήλπιζαν να μπορέσουν να συνεχίσουν τις αγωνιστικές τους δραστηριότητες εκεί κρυφά. Παρέχαμε οικονομική βοήθεια πριν από τον πόλεμο και ακόμη και στην αρχή του. Αλλά η κατάσταση έχει γίνει αφόρητη και δεν επιτρέπει πλέον καμία κοινωνική ή πολιτική δραστηριότητα. Κάποια μέλη της ομάδας αποφάσισαν να εγκαταλείψουν τη χώρα το συντομότερο δυνατό μετά τη λεηλασία του σπιτιού τους από τις ΔΤY. Άλλα αποφάσισαν να παραμείνουν προς το παρόν και προσπαθούμε να τα βοηθήσουμε και αυτά.
[عربي] [Castellano] [Deutsch] [English] [Français] [Italiano] [한국어] [Português] [Türkçe]

mihail_gerdzhikov.jpg imageΗ Κομμούνα της Στ ... Aug 28 20:23 by Γιάβορ Ταρίνσκι 0 comments

Η Κομμούνα της Στράντζας υπήρξε ένα βραχύβιο πείραμα, με ξεκάθαρα ελευθεριακά χαρακτηριστικά, στο εν λόγω βουνό που βρίσκεται στη σημερινή νοτιοανατολική Βουλγαρία και στο ευρωπαϊκό τμήμα της Τουρκίας. Η δημιουργία της ανακηρύχθηκε στα μέσα Αυγούστου του 1903, εν μέσω της εξέγερσης του Ίλιντεν –ενός αυτονομιστικού αγροτικού ξεσηκωμού ενάντια στην οθωμανική διοίκηση και υπέρ μιας αυτόνομης πολυεθνικής Μακεδονίας–, από αντάρτες της Εσωτερικής Μακεδονικής Αδριανουπολίτικης Επαναστατικής Οργάνωσης, της οποίας τότε διοικητής είναι ο μεγάλος και σπουδαίος αναρχικός Μιχαήλ Γκερντζίκοφ.

دعم اللاسلطويين السودانيين في المنفى imageدعم اللاسلطوي¡... Aug 27 18:27 by اللاسلطويين 1 comments

لا يزال رفاقنا الاناركيين في السودان يأملون أن يتمكنوا من مواصلة أنشطتهم بي ادوات التعبير السلمية المجربة والغير مجربة هناك سراً. لقد قدمنا ​​مساعدات مالية قبل الحرب وحتى في بدايتها. لكن الوضع أصبح غير محتمل ولم يعد يسمح بأي نشاط اجتماعي أو سياسي. وقرر بعض أعضاء المجموعة مغادرة البلاد في أسرع وقت ممكن بعد أن تعرضت منازلهم للنهب والتدمير والإرهاب المستمر من قبل قوات الدعم السريع. وقد قرر آخرون البقاء في الوقت الحالي، ونحن نحاول مساعدتهم أيضًا [Castellano] [Deutsch] [Eλληνικά] [English] [Français] [Italiano] [한국어] [Português] [Türkçe]

textSosteniamo le anarchiche e anarchici sudanesi in esilio Aug 26 02:19 by Varie organizzazioni anarchiche 3 comments

Le nostre compagne e i nostri compagni anarchici sono ancora in Sudan e speravano di poter continuare le loro attività di agitazione in modo clandestino. Abbiamo fornito aiuti finanziari prima della guerra e anche all'inizio. Ma la situazione è diventata insostenibile e non consente più alcuna attività sociale o politica. Alcuni membri del gruppo hanno deciso di lasciare il Paese il più rapidamente possibile dopo che la loro casa è stata saccheggiata dall'RSF. Altri hanno deciso di rimanere per il momento, e stiamo cercando di aiutare anche loro. [لغۃ العربیۃ] [Castellano] [Deutsch] [Eλληνικά] [English] [Français] [한국어] [Português] [Türkçe]

portugais.jpeg imageApoie anarquistas sudaneses no exílio Aug 23 23:32 by Várias organizações anarquistas 0 comments

Nossas companheiras anarquistas ainda estão no Sudão e esperam conseguir dar continuidade às suas atividades de agitação clandestina. Nós garantimos apoio financeiro antes da guerra e também no início dela, mas a situação se tornou insustentável e não nos permite mais qualquer atividade política ou social. Alguns dos membros do grupo decidiram deixar o país o mais rápido possível depois de sua casa ter sido devastada pelo RSF. Outros decidiram ficar por enquanto e nós estamos tentando ajudar eles também. [لغۃ العربیۃ] [Castellano] [Deutsch] [English] [Français] [Italiano] [한국어] [Türkçe]

tucuman.jpg imageΑργεντινή: Το κλε ... Aug 23 21:22 by Organización Anarquista de Tucumán 2 comments

Την ημέρα αυτή διεκδικούμε τις εμπειρίες του αγώνα και της μαχητικότητας του λαού μας, κρατώντας την ταυτότητά μας ως γυναίκες και άντρες του Tucuman που, ακόμα και στις πιο δύσκολες στιγμές έχουμε μάθει να αντιστεκόμαστε και να κρατάμε ψηλά την ελπίδα για την οικοδόμηση ενός πιο δίκαιου κόσμου!

internationalcampaignsudan.jpeg imageSupport Sudanese anarchists in exile Aug 23 18:19 by International anarchist organisations 23 comments

Our anarchist comrades are still in Sudan and were hoping to be able to continue their agitation activities there clandestinely. We provided financial aid before the war and even at the beginning. But the situation has become untenable and no longer allows for any social or political activity. Some members of the group decided to leave the country as quickly as possible after their house was ransacked by the RSF. Others have decided to stay for the time being, and we are trying to help them too.
[عربي] [Castellano] [Deutsch] [Eλληνικά] [Français] [Italiano] [한국어] [Português] [Türkçe]

espanol.jpeg imageApoyo a los anarquistas sudaneses en el exilio Aug 23 18:15 by Diversas organizaciones anarquistas 0 comments

Nuestros/as compañeros/as libertarios/as están todavía en Sudán, esperando poder continuar allí sus actividades de agitación clandestinas. Les hemos proporcionado ayuda financiera tanto antes de la guerra como poco después de su comienzo. Pero la situación se ha vuelto insostenible y ya no permite la organización de ninguna actividad social o política. A raíz de que su casa fuera saqueada por las Fuerzas de Apoyo Rápido, algunos miembros del grupo decidieron abandonar el país lo antes posible. Otros/as han decidido quedarse por el momento, y también estamos intentando ayudarles.
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deutsch.jpeg imageUnterstützt sudanesische Anarchist:innen im Exil! Aug 23 17:45 by Verschiedene anarchistische Organisationen 0 comments

Unsere anarchistischen Genoss:innen sind immer noch im Sudan und hoffen, dass sie ihre Agitationsaktivitäten dort im Geheimen fortsetzen können. Wir haben vor dem Krieg und sogar zu Beginn des Krieges finanzielle Hilfe geleistet. Aber die Situation ist unhaltbar geworden und lässt keine sozialen oder politischen Aktivitäten mehr zu. Einige Mitglieder der Gruppe beschlossen, das Land so schnell wie möglich zu verlassen, nachdem ihr Haus von der RSF geplündert worden war. Andere haben beschlossen, vorerst zu bleiben, und wir versuchen, auch ihnen zu helfen.
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Appel anarchiste de solidarité internationale avec nos camarades soudanais en exil imageSoutenir l’exil des anarchistes soudanais·es Aug 23 03:53 by Diverses organisations anarchistes 2 comments

Nos camarades libertaires sont toujours au Soudan et espéraient pouvoir y continuer clandestinement leurs activités d’agitation. Nous avons fourni de l’aide financière avant la guerre et même au début. Mais la situation est devenue intenable et ne permet plus de mener aucune activité sociale ou politique. Certains membres du groupe ont décidé de quitter le pays au plus vite après la mise à sac de leur maison par les FSR. D'autres ont fait le choix de rester pour le moment et nous essayons de les aider également. [لغۃ العربیۃ] [Castellano] [Deutsch] [Eλληνικά] [English] [Italiano] [한국어] [Português] [Türkçe]

elisee_reclus.jpg imageΕ. Ρεκλύ: Ένας πρωτ&... Aug 20 21:58 by Αυτολεξεί 2 comments

Η σύνδεση μεταξύ γεωγραφίας και αναρχισμού μπορεί να μη φαίνεται εύκολα κατανοητή, αλλά δεν είναι τυχαίο ότι δύο από τους σημαντικότερους αναρχικούς του τέλους του 19ου αιώνα, ο Κροπότκιν και ο Ρεκλύ, ήταν επίσης σπουδαίοι γεωγράφοι. Ούτε ήταν απλή σύμπτωση ότι οι δυο τους βρέθηκαν μαζί εξόριστοι στην Ελβετία, μία χώρα που για πολύ καιρό αποτέλεσε μαγνήτη των κατατρεγμένων αλλά και πατρίδα του πιο δυναμικού αναρχικού κινήματος στα χρόνια που ακολούθησαν την Παρισινή Κομμούνα ανάμεσα στο 1877 και το 1881. Οι Κροπότκιν και Ρεκλύ εργάστηκαν από κοινού και για ένα διάστημα, έζησαν μαζί παραμένοντας φίλοι για μία ζωή παρά τα σύνορα και τις θάλασσες που κατά καιρούς τους χώριζαν. Η συγχώνευση των απόψεών τους παρήγαγε μία νέα κατανόηση του αναρχικού ιδεώδους, θεμελιωμένου με πιο στερεό τρόπο στην επιστήμη και τη φύση.

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