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france / belgique / luxembourg / anti-fascisme / article de fond Friday June 11, 2021 20:44 byNathan & Gab
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Clément Méric, tué par les fascistes le 5 juin 2013

Les assassins de Clément se retrouvent une nouvelle fois devant le tribunal, après avoir fait appel de leur première condamnation en 2018. Le lendemain, une manifestation pour le huitième anniversaire de la mort de notre camarade se tiendra le 5 juin à Paris. Une mobilisation qui en appelle d’autres...

A lire aussi :

★ le communiqué UCL sur l'affaire suite au verdict : "Procès des assassins de Clément : l’extrême droite est un poison mortel"

★ l'appel UCL pour la manifestation du 12 juin contre l'extrême-droite et ses idées : "Des luttes sociales contre l’extrême droite et ses idées"

france / belgique / luxembourg / anti-fascisme / appel / pétition Friday June 11, 2021 19:09 byUCL

Les idées racistes, nationalistes et réactionnaires de l’extrême droite se diffusent et se banalisent. Des militaires exhibent dans la presse leurs tentations putschistes, les policiers manifestent pour réprimer en toute impunité avec l’appui de la quasi-totalité de la classe politique. Pour être efficace, nous devons organiser la riposte sur le terrain social.

Ça sent le rance

Le Rassemblement National progresse dans les têtes au point d’être aux portes du pouvoir dans plusieurs régions et la victoire de Marine Le Pen en 2022 est une hypothèse devenue sérieuse. Au quotidien, Macron et son gouvernement multiplient les déclarations et mesures autoritaires, racistes et liberticides : interdictions de manifester, lois sécuritaires, criminalisation des migrant·es, islamophobie, négrophobie, antisémitisme, rromophobie etc.

Le vernis démocratique s’efface toujours plus. Le gouvernement et sa politique anti-sociale offre un boulevard aux forces fascistes. En toute logique on constate une multiplication des agressions de rassemblements et de militant·es du mouvement social par des nervis d’extrême droite. L’attaque de la librairie la Plume Noire de l’UCL Lyon en est un des tristes et nombreux exemples.

Construisons l’unité sur le terrain social


Séduites par le discours faussement anti-système, de plus en plus de personnes sont tentées par le recours au vote fasciste, car elles sont lassées des trahisons et échecs passés. Mais, lors de la lutte contre la réforme des retraites le RN était absent comme dans toutes les luttes pour les droits sociaux.

Avec la période électorale, les parties jouent les surenchères sécuritaires et autoritaires. Les digues de front républicain contre le fascisme ne tiennent plus. Si il est important de se rassembler, l’antifascisme moral sur le terrain des valeurs, ou quand il ne sert que des intérêts électoralistes, a montré toutes ses limites. La seule victoire contre le fascisme se fera sur le terrain social, car, c’est lorsque les salarié·es, les précaires, les victimes de racismes, les femmes et personnes LGBTI, etc. luttent et gagnent que la solidarité de classe avance, les idées réactionnaires régressent.

Avec des actes

Pour cela, nous appelons à renforcer les associations, collectifs et syndicats du mouvement social : construisons notre riposte antifasciste par la base, syndicale, radicale, dans la rue, sur nos lieux de travail, de vie et d’étude pour que cette lutte se poursuive et s’intensifie une fois les échéances électorales passées.

Des plans de licenciements aux expulsions de personnes sans-papiers, en passant par les luttes contre les lois sécuritaires et les actes de violences sexistes et racistes, construisons dans l’unité des réponses concrètes où la solidarité entre opprimé·es ne laisse pas d’espace aux discours de haine et de division. Nous devons également nous organiser pour une auto-défense populaire face aux agressions fascistes.

Ce sont là des jalons indispensables pour reprendre confiance dans le collectif. À partir de ces contre-pouvoirs, popularisons un projet de société alternatif au capitalisme, un projet libertaire, solidaire et égalitaire. Un projet communiste libertaire.

Union communiste libertaire, le 4 juin 2021

Vendredi 4 juin, la cour d’assises d’Evry a condamné en appel les deux anciens skinheads néonazis pour la mort de notre camarade Clément Méric à huit et cinq ans d’emprisonnement. Ces peines moins lourdes qu’en première instance, ont néanmoins confirmé que ce sont bien les nervis fascistes qui sont à l’origine de l’attaque et ont porté les premiers coups.

Ce procès et son verdict opposent un démenti sans nuance à la thèse des soutiens des assassins, parmi lesquels leur ex-mentor, Serge Ayoub, alias Batskin (ancien leader charismatique des skinheads néonazis parisiens), et largement relayées dans les médias d’extrême droite et au-delà : il ne s’agissait pas d’une simple rixe entre deux bandes rivales qui aurait mal tourné. Les assassins ont agit consciemment et par haine politique.

Cette agression est caractéristique de la véritable nature de l’extrême droite et du fond de son projet politique : instaurer par la violence ou par les urnes, un ordre raciste, patriarcal et autoritaire. Nous le voyons tous les jours avec la multiplication d’agressions racistes, antisémites, islamophobes, contre les personnes LGBTI mais aussi contre toutes celles et ceux qui luttent pour un monde plus juste. Clément Méric, militant de Solidaires Etudiant-e-s et de l’Action Antifasciste Paris-Banlieue était un ennemi désigné, comme toutes celles et ceux qui portent un projet politique de solidarité et d’émancipation sociale.

L’extrême droite se nourrit des inégalités sociales de ce système capitaliste pour prospérer. Combattre l’une nécessite de combattre l’autre. Face à l’extrême droite notre réponse doit être ferme, unitaire et sans compromission. Nous nous félicitons déjà du succès de la manifestation parisienne du 5 juin et appelons toutes et tous à amplifier davantage la mobilisation pour les libertés et contre les idées d’extrêmes droite le 12 juin partout sur le territoire et les 3 et 4 juillet à Perpignan lors du congrès du Rassemblement national.

Antifascistes, partout, tout le temps.

image clment_1.jpg 0.01 Mb

venezuela / colombia / anti-fascism / opinion / analysis Friday May 14, 2021 17:48 byJosé Antonio Gutiérrez D.

The state’s brutal response to a one-day general strike has sparked weeks of protests in Colombia, resulting in dozens of deaths. The time for dialogue is over.


Colombia’s democratic facade is crumbling to pieces

April 28 has quickly turned into a historic date in Colombia. On this day, a broad coalition of social organizations and trade unions called a strike against the tax reform proposed by the far-right government of president Iván Duque. A skillful mix of government incompetence and state terror turned what would have been just one day of protests, into one of the most serious political crises in Colombia’s recent history. Each passing day, each new death, added an extra reason for protesters to remain on the streets and radicalize their tactics and demands against an elite that is out of touch with the daily hardships of ordinary Colombians, and whose actions exacerbate their sufferings.

The state’s brutal response may come as a shock to international observers and to some Colombian middle-class urbanites, but this is the type of response to protest that people in peripheral urban regions and particularly in the countryside have known forever. We are now also witnessing the type of rule through manu militari in cities that is routine in rural Colombia. This type of response is, naturally, well entrenched in the ideology of the elites and the military, which view the citizens of their own country as an enemy to tame and suppress, an ideology rooted in counter-insurgency and fascist-leaning doctrine.

People have poured to the streets out of sheer despair. They have not much else left to do. The fact that amidst this peak of the pandemic the people decided to take to the streets in protest offers a sense of the deep malaise the country currently finds itself in.

TAX REFORMS AMIDST A PANDEMIC OF VIOLENCE

This tax reform was clearly targeted at the poorest sectors of society. It planned to extend the VAT on basic consumption goods, public services and even funerals, adding a sinister touch to the proposal at a time when the country is seeing a peak in COVID-19-related deaths. The reform also proposed extending income tax to those earning COL$2,500,000 a month (just over US$600), a segment of the population already badly affected with the economic crisis triggered by the pandemic.

Times have never been easy in Colombia, which is one of the most unequal countries in the world and has the highest level of inequality in Latin America. The distribution of land ownership is also one of the worst in the world. While last year alone 3.6 million Colombians were pushed below the poverty line (which engulfs 42 percent of the population), there is a 15 percent unemployment rate plus an extremely large informal sector, with over 50 percent of people employed informally for mere survival on a day-to-day basis. Of course, the pandemic, social distancing and the lockdowns have affected these informal workers disproportionately. In the popular quarters of the cities, red banners were raised in the thousands to indicate that people were hungry in that household.

On top of this, violence has been a daily staple for the poorest Colombians, millions of whom fled the conflict in the countryside to become internally displaced in the misery belts of the big cities. Others who have managed to get a meager income out of coca cultivation, face renewed threats of large-scale fumigations and military operations, under pressure from the US — both from the previous Trump and current Biden administrations. This will take away whatever means they have to feed their families.

This not to mention the situation of social leaders and demobilized guerrillas who have been the target of a veritable process of systematic extermination for decades, but which has become distinctively acute under Duque’s government.

All of this, while the government announced that it would buy US$4 billion in fighting jets. Colombia is, with Brazil, the country with the highest military expenditure in Latin America, spending a staggering US$10 billion yearly, while education and health are in a very poor state, and an important segment of the population goes to bed hungry every night and the number of deaths due to the COVID-19 crisis keep growing.

PEOPLE ARE ON THE MARCH AGAIN

One key problem is how out of touch Colombia’s ruling elite is with the life of ordinary citizens. This was made evident in a statement of former Finance Minister Alberto Carrasquilla, the mastermind behind this reform, when he assured a dozen eggs cost COP$1,800, exactly five times less than what they actually do! This blatant ignorance about the costs of life when most Colombians are counting every penny, was too much to stomach. So, when the National Strike Committee, a broad coalition led by the trade union movement, called for renewed protests on April 28, millions took up the call and poured onto the streets.

If the 21N protests of November 2019 were concentrated in the main cities, protests now occurred all over the country: from the major urban centers to small towns, villages and the countryside. These protests show in the same way the oligarchy accumulated wealth on the back of the crisis, the people had been accumulating grievances and anger. The momentary respite the oligarchy enjoyed during the COVID-19 crisis was over and the tensions that had been increasing since a series of massive protests last October all erupted at once on April 28.

The unifying factor among all the protesters who came out was their opposition to the tax reform; this was a very clear rallying call for everybody. But different groups each had their own additional quarrels with the government. Health workers demanded back pay, workers rejected the pension scheme reform, Indigenous people protested 500 years of oppression, people of all walks of life denounced the systematic murder of social leaders, and coca peasants objected to the plan to resume glyphosate fumigations and the militarization of their territories.

REPRESSION BACKFIRES

The remarkable thing about protests in Colombia is not only the bravery of the people in the face of lethal state violence, it is the high levels of restraint they normally show. Despite the enormous structural, cultural, symbolic and physical violence they face, despite the blatant venality of the ruling classes, despite being kept in a state of subsistence, Colombians have a strong tradition of peaceful protests. The 28A protests were no exception.

But the protests were met with brute force nonetheless. This time, however, the people have had enough, and the repression backfired. It was police repression that turned a single day of protests into a country-wide battle that has been raging for the past two weeks. And it was police repression that also led the protesters to expand their demands to the resignation of the authorities and to a political trial to the murderous leadership of the country. The government dropped the proposed tax reforms on May 2, and Finance Minister Carrasquilla resigned the next day, but the protests are still going strong.

So far, nearly 50 people have been murdered, thousands of people have been arrested or wounded, there have been multiple denunciations of police rape and torture, and almost 500 people have been disappeared in the context of the protests. In Cali, one of the biggest cities in Colombia, the authority has been in the hands of the army for nearly two weeks. The civilian authorities were summarily displaced, while tanks are in the streets and Black Hawk helicopters fly overhead to support operations in the poor neighborhoods against unarmed demonstrators.

Most recently, on May 9, Indigenous people in Cali were attacked with army-issued assault rifles by a group of civilians. Despite the city being heavily militarized and of the numerous videos which can help identify the perpetrators of this attack, nothing has happened.

These attacks, amounting to acts of state terror, are not a collection of fortuitous events. They are part of a long tradition of repression that is deeply entrenched in state counter-insurgency structures, reinforced through the National Security Doctrine with which the armed forces have been indoctrinated, and in the extreme reactionary mentality of the ruling elites.

This violence not only has been naturalized, but it is also regarded as morally just. Former president Álvaro Uribe, the mentor of Iván Duque, got a message deleted by Twitter from his account in which he glorified police violence in unequivocal terms: “Let’s support the right of soldiers and police to use their firearms to defend their integrity and to defend people and property from criminal acts of terrorist vandalism.”

In another twist, Uribe referenced concept developed by Alexis López, a Chilean neo-Nazi-turned military advisor and guru in Colombia, where he has been invited to give two conferences this year to the Military Academy. This concept, the so-called “dissipated molecular revolution,” a hybrid between the National Security Doctrine and a perversion of Guattari, Foucault and Derrida, states that all forms of protest are basically a subversive danger that needs to be dealt with violently and contained from the start in order to avoid it to become a full-scale revolution.

This is the — undeniably fascist — doctrine that is popular among the armed forces of Colombia. No surprise then about their proven links to all kinds of violence, torture, disappearances, death squads and other crimes. Unlike Bolsonaro in Brazil, the Colombian elites’ openly fascist proclivities had been downplayed by the so-called international community and almost excused a mere week before 28A. It is hard to imagine other political figures in the world who could speak and behave in this way and still be considered as respectable partners by the EU.

TOO LATE FOR DIALOGUE

The democratic facade of Colombia is starting to crumble while the ugly face of a counter-insurgent state, molded by the most reactionary and racist oligarchy on the continent, headed by a far-right and openly fascist clique is appearing for everyone to see. When we warned about the process of fascistisation of Colombian politics in the past, we did not mean it in a metaphorical sense. The presence of actual Nazi doctrines within the army confirms that this is part of something much bigger and much more dangerous.

Such a process can only be confronted by an organized force able to mobilize consistently against it. In short, the only limits of fascism — as Poulantzas remarked — are the limits that the class struggle can impose on it through popular mobilization and organization. The people sense it; this is why the mobilization is no longer about a reform, no longer about a single minister quitting.

Similar to the protests in Chile, mobilization has become a mechanism in which a new political subject is coming into being, while the rotten system is being actively dismantled. Despite some politicians trying to promote a form of dialogue between the protesters and the government, there is little to talk about this time. It is 40 deaths too late for a dialogue with Duque. People want them out of power and to be held accountable for their crimes.

These formidable protests across the entire country are the result of over a decade of mobilizations in which little by little the people got qualified, numbers have grown and their resolution only strengthened. The people’s pencil, as a Haitian proverb says, has no eraser.

These experiences will not wither away, and in the heat of the struggle, new ways of understanding politics, new ways of understanding Colombia are being created. While the left has been stuck discussing electoral alliances for the last year or so, these protests remind us that it is not the ballot box that will decide the fate of Colombia in the end.

José Antonio Gutiérrez D.
13 May, 2021

france / belgique / luxembourg / anti-fascisme / communiqué de presse Friday May 14, 2021 04:59 byUnion Communiste Libertaire

Dans un contexte global, particulièrement propice aux discours autoritaires, nous avons vu ces derniers jours s’accroître les violences émanant de groupes d’extrême droite à Lyon, Orléans, Clermont-Ferrand, Montpellier, Strasbourg… Ne nous y trompons pas, la politique sécuritaire, répressive et fractionniste du gouvernement, qui préfère de son côté combattre le supposé danger islamo-gauchisme dans les facs ou l’écriture inclusive à l’école, est directement coupable de laisser ces nervis fascistes agir en toute impunité.

Ceux-ci ne s’y trompent pas : deux textes, une lettre ouverte au gouvernement du « syndicat » d’extrême-droite « France Police », et une nouvelle tribune de militaires dans « Valeurs Actuelles » appellent ou agitent la perspective d’une intervention de l’armée, menacent de prendre des initiatives devant l’imminence selon eux de « la guerre civile », guerre civile que les fascistes espèrent non pas empêcher, mais bien provoquer.

Le racisme, le sexisme, l’homophobie, la haine du « gaucho », trouvent un terrain propice pour distiller leur haine que ce soit dans des médias de masse aux heures de grande écoute ou bien dans la rue, aux abords de nos manifestations et lieux occupés.

Dès que nous abandonnons le contrôle de la rue, celle-ci est reprise par les tenants de l’ordre moral qui ont multiplié les rassemblements ce samedi de Paris, à Orléans en passant par Auray : Rassemblement national, Les Patriotes, L’Action française, Riposte laïque, Résistance républicaine, les Volontaires pour la France… Malgré leurs divergences, toutes ces organisations n’ont qu’un seul et véritable projet : nous faire baisser la tête et imposer un projet de société violent, raciste, sexiste et inégalitaire… au profit des capitalistes.

L’actuelle faiblesse de la réponse de notre camp est également à questionner. L’arc unitaire pour la manif nationale contre l’extrême droite à Lyon (repoussée au 29 mai) montre pourtant qu’une riposte radicale et large est possible. Militant·es syndicalistes, anticapitalistes, autonomes, libertaires sont des cibles privilégiées de celles et ceux qui cherchent à diviser le prolétariat.

Face à cette menace grandissante, nous ne pouvons plus longtemps nous permettre d’avancer en ordre dispersé. Toutes les dominations et toutes les tentatives de divisions de notre classe doivent être combattues. Contre l’extrême droite nous devons plus que jamais être uni·es et faire front dans la rue, mais également en proposant un projet de société alternatif au capitalisme, un projet libertaire, solidaire et égalitaire.

Contre l’extrême-droite, qu’elle soit ou non au gouvernement, antifascistes tant qu’il le faudra !

Union communiste libertaire, le 11 mai 2021

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Anti-fascism

Tue 22 Jun, 04:35

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clment.jpg imageMeurtre de Clément Méric : l’enjeu politique du procès en appel Jun 11 20:44 by Nathan & Gab 0 comments

arton9156c3fbf.png imageDes luttes sociales contre l’extrême droite et ses idées Jun 11 19:09 by UCL 0 comments

manif_clment_1.jpg imageProcès des assassins de Clément : l’extrême droite est un poison mortel Jun 11 19:05 by UCL 0 comments

soscol.jpg imageColombia’s democratic facade is crumbling to pieces May 14 17:48 by José Antonio Gutiérrez D. 0 comments

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