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ireland / britain / workplace struggles / news report Friday March 31, 2017 18:04 byAndrew

Inter city bus workers in Ireland launched widespread secondary pickets at 4am this morning. Solidarity from transport workers at the other services picketed meant that most of the country ground to a halt as morning rush hour approached, almost all trains, Dublin bus and light rail services did not operate. The action is a clear demonstration of the power transport workers hold because of their position in economies.

This action took place on the 8th morning of a indefinite strike by the inter city bus drivers of Bus Eireann. In a familiar international pattern, this service had been deliberately starved of public funds over the last decade resulting in a deterioration in quality and an increase in ticket costs. As elsewhere the purpose of doing this is to soften up public attitudes towards privatisation of what becomes a ‘broken’ service.

The state broadcaster (RTE) has played along with this agenda. (This would be shocking except that RTE always echo the government line). Almost every mention of the strike refers to Bus Eireann as ‘loss making’ - as if it should be about profit generation rather than service provision. In reality the service is ‘loss making’ because the subsidy it receives is less than that given to the millionaire owned horse racing industry (or indeed the same state broadcaster).

The cause of the dispute is a widespread attack on workers’ pay and conditions. Some bus drivers could lose as much as 30%. This would be no joke for any workers anywhere but in Ireland because of the crazy ‘property boom’ any such worker who borrowed money to buy a house in the last 10 years would almost certainly be now unable to make the repayments and would lose their home.

Government strategy has been to try and pretend the dispute is nothing to do with them and to be sorted out between workers and management. As the reason the service is ‘loss making’ is that the government cut the tiny subsidy public transport receives, delibrately creating the funding crisis, this is clearly a nonsense claim.

Bus Eireann got about 35 million in public funds last year but the Horse racing industry received 80 million and the Horse and Greyhound racing fund another 60 million. Although we don’t have the exact figures to hand we are confident the 110,000 people plus who use Bus Eireann for transport easily outnumber those travelling via race horse and greyhound, even though the millionaires who own those industries received a subsidy 4 times greater. No doubt the government would point the tourist benefit of horse racing and the jobs created around it, however that’s nothing in comparison with the tourist benefit of having a good public transport system that can get people around Ireland.

The action this morning contained 3 general lessons;

1. Public transport has to be viewed as a needed public service rather than a ‘for profit’ business. Huge numbers of people are dependent on public transport, the service needs to be expanded rather than underfunded as it has been in the last decades. In fact we need a massive expansion in public transport funding both to improve services and reduce ticket costs.

2. Workers in key sectors like transport have enormous power. Minister Shane Ross might have thought he was being clever by washing his hands of the dispute, this morning they have proved that the government cannot get away with that. ‘Business as usual’ will ground to a halt all over the country this morning as many workers are unable to get in on time.

3. The 1990 Industrial Relations Act made secondary picketing illegal. That’s why the pickets this morning had hand written signs rather than the standard union branded ones. This morning we are seeing that the law isn’t all powerful but also that the cost of making it illegal is no notice walk-outs, no one could ‘give notice’ without risking prosecution.

We should also recognise the courage of those picketing this morning, some of whom have talked to hostile state media who have broadcast their names despite the risk of being sued this opens them up to. Some have talked nonsense about the transport chaos being caused by a handful of picketers but not only is it clear that this was a well co-ordinated action across a large number of locations, the same industrial relations act only allows pickets of half a dozen.

The shutdown of the transport system will have a big impact on lots of workers, it will feel frustrating to many. But let’s be clear - the blame for the disruption lies with the government and management that have tried to force further cuts through. Until they took this action many people in the big we’re ignoring the strike as it had little impact on them, this morning is a useful reminder that we should not treat public transport as an expected service but as something we need to actively defend.

Secondly and more importantly a victory for Bus Eireann workers is good for all of us despite the short term pain as it means a better public transport system and a blow against ‘race to the bottom’ conditions being imposed. The employers have used such tactics over the last 20 years to ensure a huge wealth transfer from us to them, it’s long past time that was turned back and it can only be turned back by a hard fight. Because they have power as tranport workers the bus workers at the tip of the spear are taking the big risks here, those of us who are will gain from any victory they may win should be willing to accept small sacrifices as part of the collective cost of struggle.

Victory for the bus workers is also important for almost everyone living on this planet. Why is that? The deliberate underfunding of public transport pushes those who can afford it towards using individual cars for the same journey. There are enormous differences in the amounts of climate change gases produced by cities in western Europe and north America for the simple reason that in the US private cars are far far more common for such journeys. At a global as well as a local level we need to recognise public transport for the essential good that it is and make sure funding is expanded.

ireland / britain / gender / news report Thursday March 30, 2017 17:46 byAndrew

International Womens Day in Ireland saw thousands take to the streets in a sequence of 'in work time' protests under the heading 'Strike4Repeal'. Abortion is illegal in almost all circumstances and the protests were an attempt by pro-choice activists to forced the government to stop delaying a referendum to repeal the anti-choice 8th Amendment placed in the Irish constitution in 1983. Workers Solidarity Movement members took part in organising the day and in the aftermath produced a number of articles and videos detailing what happened.

In January WSM explained that the demand was 'A referendum on the 8th or #strike4repeal on March 8th' explaining that "The newly formed group, Strike for Repeal, are preparing to ‘strike’ if a date is not set for a referendum to repeal he 8th Amendment by International Women’s day on March 8th. In a press release the group has said “The strike will not be an industrial strike in the traditional sense but could include taking an annual leave day off work, refraining from domestic work for the day, wearing black in solidarity or staging a walkout during your lunch break. We also encourage any business owners in a position to close their services at no cost to workers, to do so for all or part of the day as a solidarity action.”

In the context of the farcical attempt of the government to delay any efforts to Repeal the 8th through the Citizens Assembly a strike should certainly cause concern for our anti-women TD’s. The strike is the greatest source of leveraging power that workers have; as workers we are exploited, as women workers we are exploited further. A gendered pay gap of 20% currently exists in Ireland, meaning that for every euro a man makes a women earns 80 cent. Outside of the workplace women still do the majority of the house and care work. This work is unrecognised, often termed an invisible form of work and it means women are working a double shift for the wage of one.

The 8th Amendment is barbaric, forcing 9 people a day to travel for an abortion, countless more taking illegal pills at home, one women given a forced c-section at 24 weeks, another who was brain dead being kept on a life support machine despite her families wishes because she was pregnant, and resulting in the deaths of Bimbo Onanuga and Savita Halappanavar. It is a tool used by the state to control women and pregnant people; to force either pregnancy or exilt upon them. Having control of our reproductive systems, choosing if and when we have children is fundamental to our freedom. Having control over our bodies is essential to gaining control over our lives, not having them dictated to us by bosses or politicians.

We spelled the situation in Ireland out in more detail a few days beforehand in '8 reasons to Strike for Repeal this 8th March

1. World-Class Tyranny
Ireland has one of the most restrictive abortion laws in the world more so than places like Syria and Afghanistan. Only Malta is more restrictive within the EU.

2. Democracy & Equality
No woman of child-bearing age has been allowed to have a say in her reproductive rights.The last vote was in 1983. This country claims to be democratic yet denies women basic medical services and control of their bodies. In the Irish law a woman’s life is equal to the foetus. This is not equality.

3. Exile
Up to 12 women a day travel abroad for an abortion but not every woman can travel. Migrant women and asylum seekers, women with disabilities, minors and predominantly working-class women are discriminated against here. The abortion ban only increases class divides and helps to perpetuate the cycle of poverty.

4. Abortion Pills
The other option is to use abortion pills but it is illegal to obtain them, and increasingly pills are being seized by customs, women who take them are at risk of being reported to the police if they have complications or need follow up care.

5. Trans, Non-Binary, & Intersex people
Trans-Men, non-binary people and some inter-sex people need access to abortion too. For some trans men, being forced to carry a pregnancy to term (or at all) is in serious conflict with their identity as men and can be traumatic as it forces them to do something with their bodies that feels alien to them. Trans people are invisible in Irish law and their struggle for bodily autonomy is a part of the struggle for reproductive rights.

6. Rape
If a woman is raped in this country and is caught having an abortion she will do more time in prison than her rapist. A woman faces a jail sentence of 14 years if she has an abortion whereas the maximum jail term for rapists is 10 years. Women who are raped are not entitled to abortions and face the trauma of being blamed for assault by a patriarchal police which assumes that it’s a woman’s responsibility not to get raped (i.e. don’t wear the wrong clothes, don’t drink too much, don’t go out alone, etc.)

7. Fatal Foetal Abnormality
A woman is not allowed to have an abortion in Ireland even in cases of Fatal Foetal Abnormality. Instead Ireland offers prenatal hospices where women can wait out their pregnancies as they wait for the foetus to slowly die inside them. Moreover, unless the pregnancy itself is a direct threat to the mother’s life she may not have an abortion and can be refused treatment for other conditions if it threatens the health of the foetus. Pregnant women with cancer have been refused both abortion and chemotherapy at a doctor’s prerogative.

8. Cruel and Unusual Punishment
Forcing a woman to carry a pregnancy against her will has been called ‘cruel, inhumane and degrading’ by the UN Committee on Human Rights. Abortion is legal in Ireland only if there is a high risk of death to the woman. Suicide is grounds for an abortion but the woman has to be assessed by up to 6 doctors. These doctors have the power to decide if a woman will be allowed an abortion. These doctors must be HSE approved and this panel only includes 1 psychiatrist. And the Ms.Y case has proven that the ‘protection of life’ provision offers no protection at all to suicidal women.

Ireland has one of the highest rates of migration to other countries in the war;d, partially for that reason solidarity protests took place in many countries across the globe. In the days beforehand though there was particular interest in solidarity gestures from Rojava in the form of a number of images if women there holding #Strike4Repeal placards. Accompanying an album of photos like this one they say "The revolution here in Rojava is a women’s revolution. From the front lines of the fight against ISIS, to running the cantons to trade unions that ensure all working women have their voices heard. International women’s day has special significance here, with events and demonstrations taking place all over the region. We stand with women worldwide in the struggle against patriarchy, and today we stand with the women of Ireland. We call on the Irish Government to repeal the 8th amendment and allow women rights over their own bodies! Today news reporters, trade unionists, HPC (civilian self-defence units) heard about the strike and stood in solidarity. Today women across Qamishlo support #strike4repeal Strike 4 Repeal"

The day itself started with statues all over the capital, Dublin, being covered and then rolling pickets of government offices. This built up to a large midday protest when thousands of people, many dressed in black, occupied the main bridge in the city centre. Smaller protests took place in cities and towns across Ireland including some in the north of Ireland - still ruled by England - where abortion is also mostly illegal and where police have been raiding homes and offices in the search for abortion pills.

You will find detailed coverage of what happened, including several videos, on the WSM website at http://www.wsm.ie/strike4repeal

image Solidarity protests took place in many countries 0.06 Mb image Calculating how many took part in Dublin 0.12 Mb image marystatue.jpg 0.08 Mb

ireland / britain / community struggles / opinion / analysis Tuesday March 21, 2017 00:18 byTomás Lynch

The occupation of Apollo House in Dublin was the largest direct action in Ireland in recent years, but it did not materialize out of nowhere.


On December 16, 2016 media reporters and cameramen jostled each outside the carpark of Apollo House, a nine-storey city center office building in Dublin that had been lying vacant for over a year. The journalists were there to report on a “public intervention” into the ongoing homelessness emergency in the city, in which a campaign group called Home Sweet Home, led by well-known celebrities and musicians Glen Hansard and Damien Dempsey, occupied the empty building and opened it as a hostel for the city’s homeless.

In the face of a housing crisis that has been intensifying ever since the economic crash in 2008, visible rough sleeping on the city’s streets, rising homelessness statistics, soaring rent, and the large-scale purchase of property and mortgage loan-books by predatory foreign vulture funds, this collection of activists occupied the building, which is controlled by NAMA, the government-owned asset management agency set up at the height of the crisis to swallow the toxic loans incurred by the nation’s property developers and speculators.

Over three-and-a-half weeks during the coldest time of the year, Apollo House provided beds for over 90 homeless people, in a welcoming and safe environment that was open 24 hours a day and where they could come and go as they pleased. In contrast to the previous month, no homeless people lost their lives in Ireland while the occupation was going on. The campaign received 4,000 applications from people who wanted to help, and collected over €160,000 on the campaign crowdfunding page, as well as receiving countless personal testimonies from people whose own lives had been affected by the ongoing crisis — young families forced to move back into their parents’ homes with their children, or sleeping in their cars.

Above all, the Apollo House occupation generated an unprecedented amount of media attention on the homelessness and housing emergency in the face of government inaction, and forced Simon Coveney, the Minister of Housing, to the negotiating table to try to get the activists to leave peacefully.

ORGANIZING A NETWORK

But though it might have appeared spontaneous, this was a well-planned and well-organized campaign. The various actors were able to move fast when the opportunity presented itself only because the networks were already in place. “Organizing” is a word thrown about a lot by the left, as the essential step in the creation of powerful movements that can effect change, but often what “organizing” actually involves can be harder to pinpoint.

Examining how the Home Sweet Home campaign was built can help us get a clearer understanding of how strong social movements are built, and how the successes of the campaign can be emulated in other cities and towns in Ireland, or indeed around the world. A quick glance at the organizing work that went into Home Sweet Home shows us that it was following a long tradition of organizing grassroots movements of civil disobedience and direct action, such as that of the American Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s.

Although Home Sweet Home was a new campaign, the organizations that made it up were not. It was an alliance of the artists and celebrities, who gave the occupation a massive public profile; the militant Unite trade union; and the Irish Housing Network, a decentralized and grassroots network of housing action groups located throughout the island of Ireland that has been agitating on behalf of people affected by the housing crisis for several years.

The occupation of Apollo House was not the first use of direct action by the Irish Housing Network: in 2015 they squatted another vacant building (this one owned by Dublin City Council) and opened it as a hostel for the homeless — the Bolt Hostel. They have been involved in organizing resistance to evictions, such as the eviction of homeless families from emergency accommodation on Mountjoy Square in February 2016. So the occupation of Apollo House did not come out the blue, but grew out of years of experience of similar occupations and resistance.

The main difference this time around was the huge amount of publicity generated as a result of the public support of a few well-known figures.

A BROAD COALITION

The very structure of the Irish Housing Network also reminds us of older social movements. Like the SCLC and the SNCC in the American South in the 1950s and 1960s, it is not a single, centralized organization, but rather, as its name suggests, a network of affiliated housing action groups from throughout Ireland, grassroots groups that defend the rights of tenants and homeowners in the areas they operate in. The unification of diverse actors in a broad campaign was another tactic reminiscent of previous successful movements.

The filmmakers, musicians and other celebrities played a vital role in the campaign, bringing it very quickly to the public eye, and adding by way of their profile to the popularity and perceived legitimacy of the occupation. Among the Irish household names associated with the campaign were musicians Glen Hansard (who starred in the film Once), folk-singer Christy Moore, dubliner Damien Dempsey, and filmmakers Terence McKenna and Jim Sheridan.

Another group whose involvement was crucial were the up to 200 volunteers who came in to Apollo House to help with the running of the hostel, many of them ordinary citizens who were motivated by the social media campaign to try to help in whatever way they could. Finally, Home Sweet Home had from the beginning strong involvement and input from people directly experiencing homelessness.

The demands and concerns of the residents of Apollo House were the primary focus of the campaign during the running of the hostel and in the negotiations with the government. The decision to leave Apollo House at the end of the occupation was a decision reached by the residents and supported by all the staff, whose concern was primarily for their safety, and not for their utility as pawns in a confrontation with forces of the state.

An effective and well-organized division of labor among the volunteer staff was central to the functioning of Apollo House as a homeless shelter. There was a sixty-strong security team, a social care team working directly with the residents, as well as kitchen, cleaning and maintenance teams. On the seventh floor, the administration, finance, legal, outreach and media teams had their offices, including professional lawyers, journalists and social media strategists who gave their time to the project. Though residents were kept at the centre of decision-making, staff were clearly differentiated from service users by hi-viz vests. The media team played a key role in coordinating the message that went out to the press and on social media as the glare of public interest fixed itself on the campaign.

The campaign focused on both short and long-term demands, from demanding that the immediate needs of residents of Apollo House for secure, safe, long-term accommodation be met, to calling for the basic Human Right to Housing be enshrined in the constitution (Ireland opted out of Article 31, which acknowledges the Human Right to Housing, when it ratified the European Social Charter). Representatives of the trade union Unite, experienced at negotiation, played an important part in talks with the government where these demands were articulated.

REPUBLICAN TRADITION

Home Sweet Home was, however, also strongly rooted in the tradition of Irish left-activism. Many of the activists come from the Irish republican tradition, a tradition that has been central to almost all left-wing activism from the creation of the state. The Irish Housing Network is a 32-county network. Its spiritual precursor, the Dublin Housing Action Committee, which agitated in the 1960s for an end to the housing crisis that was plaguing the city then too, was formed by left-republican elements such as Mairín de Burca, a Sinn Féin activist linked to the socialist wing of the republican movement, which would later split to become Official Sinn Féin.

The key element of the success of the movement was the willingness of all involved to operate outside of formal legality. This was the biggest act of civil disobedience and direct action in Ireland in recent memory, and yet it was enormously popular — the general public realizing that if the government was not going to act, to turn the huge number of empty buildings in its control through NAMA to use, then it was up to the ordinary people to do something.

Nonetheless, the forces of the state and law-and-order were quick to condemn the action as illegal. Mazars, the receivers appointed by NAMA for Apollo House, claimed that their “immediate priority and concern has been the health and safety of the homeless people seeking shelter there,” while at the same time seeking a High Court order to have the homeless residents thrown out on the street. The High Court ruled against the occupiers, but with an eye to the optics of the situation put a stay on the injunction until after Christmas, allowing the hostel to remain open until January 11.

When an extension was sought in January, however, Mr Justice Gilligan, the conservative High Court judge in charge of the case, claimed that homelessness “was not an issue for the courts,” saying that “if this had been allowed to drag on it could be interpreted that the attitude of the courts was to facilitate people to occupy other properties and that the court would take a benevolent view, that would lead to an intolerable situation in a democratic state, so I am not going to get involved in an argument as to whether or not Dublin City Council have provided suitable accommodation.” Once again, the Irish state had privileged private property over the basic right of people to safe and secure accommodation.

This attitude is reminiscent of that of Minister for Housing Simon Coveney, who said that “to occupy a building and try and put supports together in an ad hoc way is not the way to deal with this,” and that “there is an emergency bed for everyone who wants one.” The emergency beds he was referring to were not like the beds in Apollo House that were accessible 24 hours a day, and were kept for each resident. Instead homeless people using these official emergency services are forced out on the street in the morning and have to ring a homeless helpline to look for a new bed each night.

Furthermore, many of the beds the minister was referring to were not private beds suitable for couples, or for people who don’t take drugs or are attempting to recover from drug addiction. One resident who was offered such a bed came back to Apollo House with a story of blood on the walls and the mattress and syringes on the floor. In contrast, Apollo House was a dry and safe environment.

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., during the increasingly radical turn he took towards the end of his life, wrote a Letter from a Birmingham Jail, in which he addressed liberal moderates who disapproved of the movement’s tactic of civil disobedience and nonviolent direct action: “You deplore the demonstrations taking place… But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations.

He could just as easily have been speaking to people such as Irish Times columnist Kathy Sheridan, who derided the occupation as an immature stunt, or failed Fine Gael candidate William Whittle who demonstrated his compassion for vulnerable by calling for services to be cut off and the occupiers “frozen out” and claimed the activists were “an absolute disgrace trespassing on state property.

Today, direct action movements committed to using civil disobedience as a tactic in the struggle, such as the Home Sweet Home campaign in Ireland or the resistance in Standing Rock that forced the Obama administration to suspend the Dakota Access Pipeline (since restarted by Trump), are timely reminders that we need not wait for elites to condescend to make the necessary changes, and that ordinary people have the power to play a role in the political sphere and effect change in the world.

However, as an analysis of the Home Sweet Home campaign indicates, strong social movements such as this do not materialize out of thin air. Instead, they are the results of the slow, painstaking work of organizing and movement-building, and the construction of allegiances between networks of preexisting groups with similar goals and aspirations.

ireland / britain / miscellaneous / feature Saturday March 18, 2017 01:25 byTomás Lynch
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Aodhan Ó Ríordáin jets off to the States this week to try and crack America with his unique brand of hypocritical liberalism, trumpeting himself as an anti-racist icon in contrast to Trump’s policies of detention and deportation of undocumented migrants. Tómas Lynch takes a look at his record on the homefront.

irlanda / gran bretagna / imperialismo / guerra / cronaca Friday January 20, 2017 07:19 byGianni Sartori

Dietro le recenti dimissioni del vice ministro nordirlandese i sintomi delle difficoltà e contraddizioni del processo di pace avviato venti anni fa

Dimissioni da vice ministro di Mc Guinness: accordi di pace a rischio?
(Gianni Sartori)

Inizio dell'anno convulso per l'Irlanda del Nord.
Il 9 gennaio l'esponente storico del Sinn Féin Martin McGuinness, ha rassegnato le proprie dimissioni da vice primo ministro

Il gesto dell'ex capo di Stato Maggiore dell'IRA, ufficialmente un “atto di protesta” contro Arlene Foster, primo ministro e leader del Partito unionista democratico, potrebbe in realtà rappresentare l'ultimo scatto di orgoglio di un ex combattente. Mc Guinnes avrebbe colto l'occasione per uscire a testa alta, con l'onore delle armi, da una situazione difficile.
Il 66enne esponente repubblicano, uno dei principali artefici del cessate-il-fuoco da parte dell'IRA, è attualmente molto malato, pare per una sindrome degenerativa del sistema nervoso.
Insieme a Gerry Adams, era stato il principale negoziatore degli «Accordi del Venerdì Santo», sottoscritti congiuntamente dai governi britannico ed irlandese nell'aprile 1998. Da allora, pur tra scissioni di gruppi armati dissidenti e ripresa saltuaria di scontri tra le due diverse comunità, unionisti (i lealisti, protestanti e fedeli alla Corona) e repubblicani (indipendentisti cattolici) hanno condiviso vari governi di coalizione.

Stando alle accuse, la Foster avrebbe distribuito finanziamenti pubblici ad hoc durante un suo mandato precedente (alle Finanze) in un programma di riconversione energetica per le industrie dell'Irlanda del Nord.
Si parla quindi di «corruzione» e di «conflitto di interessi». Accuse del genere, mosse da un vice ministro oltretutto, portano inevitabilmente alla crisi di governo e di conseguenza a elezioni anticipate, presumibilmente entro marzo.

Mc Guinness aveva ricoperto ininterrottamente per un decennio (dal 2007 al 2017) la carica di vice primo ministro e le sue dimissioni, almeno secondo la stampa britannica (ma forse si sta volutamente alimentando un certo allarmismo) potrebbero provocare la rimessa in discussione dell’intero impianto (fragile e discutibile, va detto) di soluzione politica del conflitto nordirlandese.
Come è noto, l'attuale divisione dell'Isola Smeralda risale al 1921 quando una legge del Parlamento del Regno Unito separò l'Irlanda del Nord (all'epoca in maggioranza protestante e unionista) intenzionata a rimanere sotto la corona dell’Uk, dalla Repubblica d'Irlanda (in maggiorana cattolica e repubblicana) favorevole a un’Irlanda unita e indipendente. Per un osservatore superficiale poteva apparire anche una questione religiosa. Nelle sei contee (erroneamente spesso chiamate Ulster, anche se in realtà ben tre contee della regione storica andarono alla Repubblica) gran parte della popolazione discendeva da coloni solitamente definiti “britannici”, ma in realtà scozzesi (quindi di origine celtica) e non anglicani ma presbiteriani, mentre l’Irlanda era un paese a larga maggioranza cattolica. Da allora la situazione è cambiata. Più prolifici, i cattolici ormai hanno raggiunto la parità numerica anche in Irlanda del Nord.
Dalla fine degli anni Sessanta, il conflitto tra le due comunità, noto come periodo dei Troubles (intenzionalmente alimentati da Londra per giustificare il proprio intervento militare) si mantenne costante. Sostanzialmente una guerra a bassa intensità che vide, da un lato, la lotta armata di organizzazioni indipendentiste di sinistra come IRA e INLA, dall'altra, oltre alla repressione operata da esercito inglese e dalla polizia (RUC), l'utilizzo di squadre della morte e milizie unioniste (UVF, UFF...), talvolta paragonate per il loro spirito settario al KKK statunitense..
La segregazione sociale, la discriminazione nei confronti dei cattolici (in passato una forma di vero apartheid) è in parte ancora operativa e costituisce comunque un grave problema sociale.
Ovviamente il contenzioso tra il repubblicano Mc Guinness e la lealista Foster non è di natura religiosa ma esclusivamente politico.
Con la Brexiti abbiamo un'Irlanda del Nord “fuori” dall'Unione europea, mentre la Repubblica è rimasta “dentro”. Analogamente a quanto sta avvenendo in Scozia, questa situazione potrebbe riaprire antiche ferite.
Inevitabile provare una certa amarezza di fronte alla deriva anche umana dei principali leader repubblicani, persone che sicuramente hanno sacrificato gran parte della loro vita per difendere i diritti del popolo irlandese.
Gerry Adams (che abbiamo visto invecchiare anno dopo anno presenziando a decine di funerali dei combattenti dell'IRA caduti sotto il piombo inglese) talvolta sembra confuso, pateticamente preoccupato di postare messaggi e immagini di torte fatte in casa, pelouche e altre amenità personali. Mc Guinnes nelle recenti immagini appariva alquanto sofferente e mostra uno sguardo da paura. Agisce forse anche il ragionevole dubbio di aver svenduto anni di lotta e sofferenze per un misero piatto di lenticchie, abbandonando a se stessi militanti sinceri a cui da un giorno all'altro venne imposto di deporre le armi senza una reale contropartita. Con le inevitabili e facilmente prevedibili derive militariste a cui abbiamo assistito.
Al momento, tra le varie posizioni la più ragionevole appare quella di coloro che, pur rifiutando gli accordi, hanno definitivamente abbandonato l'ipotesi di una prosecuzione della lotta armata (vedi l'INLA) ma non quelle della riunificazione dell'Isola e del socialismo.
Gianni Sartori

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Employees at the Zarfati Garage in Mishur Adumim vote to strike on July 22, 2014. (Photo courtesy of Ma’an workers union)

Employees at the Zarfati Garage in Mishur Adumim vote to strike on July 22, 2014. (Photo courtesy of Ma’an workers union)

Ireland / Britain

Tue 30 May, 13:31

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standwithbusworkers.jpg imageSuccessful secondary pickets bring public transport to a halt in Ireland Mar 31 18:04 by Andrew 0 comments

Dublin's main bridge was occupied imageThousands take part in pro-choice #Strike4Repeal in Ireland Mar 30 17:46 by Andrew 0 comments

homesweethome.jpg imageOrganizing against the Irish housing emergency Mar 21 00:18 by Tomás Lynch 0 comments

screenshot20170315at8.38.17a.m..png imageAodhan Ó Ríordáin: Playing The Big Man in America Mar 18 01:25 by Tomás Lynch 0 comments

textDimissioni di Mc Guinness: ritornano i Troubles? Jan 20 07:19 by Gianni Sartori 0 comments

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watercharge17srpt2016crowd.jpg imageDublin protest to force the government to back down and scrap water charges sees 1000s on ... Sep 20 18:31 by Brian 0 comments

Retrato de Roger Casement realizado por Jim Fitzpatrick imageUn siglo del asesinato de Roger Casement, precursor de la solidaridad internacionalista Aug 04 05:13 by José Antonio Gutiérrez D. 0 comments

Nigel Farange in front of a Leave poster which many pointed out was very similar to a Nazi propaganda film. imageMaking sense of the Brexit tide of reaction and the reality of the racist vote Jun 30 05:19 by Andrew 5 comments

text10 point guide for post Brexit resistance as racist right wins EU referendum Jun 26 00:06 by Andrew 5 comments

rnb3_1.jpg image#Brexit: 10 σχόλια Jun 25 07:55 by Workers Solidarity Μοvement 0 comments

textObservations on Brexit and Lexit in the UK EU membership referendum Jun 22 23:38 by Various 0 comments

orlandofightback.jpg imageOrlando means fightback Jun 13 21:51 by Workers Solidarity Movement 0 comments

textAbout Mike Macnair, « Social-Democracy & Anarchism » and hatchets May 11 23:12 by René Berthier 0 comments

2016dabf.jpg imageAudio & video from the Dublin Anarchist Bookfair panels May 03 18:42 by Andrew 0 comments

textRemembering the 1916 rebellion in Ireland together Apr 20 21:31 by Andrew 3 comments

dabf2016poster1000.jpg image2016 Dublin Anarchist Bookfair this weekend Apr 14 17:52 by Andrew 0 comments

2.jpg imageΗ μάχη της Cable Street Mar 11 16:51 by Ελευθεριακές Εκδόσεις Κουρσάλ 0 comments

regime_media_meme.jpg imageLuas Strikes: Rage Against the Regime Media Feb 23 16:50 by Tom Murray 0 comments

panews_pf27d4e748b5f426bbe89eb5f13388319_i1.jpg imageSolidarity to LUAS workers fighting to restore their share of the wealth - we need strong ... Feb 14 06:31 by WSM 0 comments

000bc074614.jpg imageFeminists in Ireland Say No To Pegida Feb 13 19:14 by Fionnghuala Nic Roibeaird 0 comments

30f2299e000005783435093a_woman_holds_a_placard_during_a_counter_demonstration_to_a_pegia29_1454797211291.jpg imageY no pasaron: masivo repudio a PEGIDA en las calles de Dublín Feb 08 05:30 by José Antonio Gutiérrez D. 0 comments

irishstampeasteruprising.jpg image¿Quién le teme a 1916? El revisionismo histórico de la tecnocracia neoliberal/neocolonial ... Jan 22 16:34 by José Antonio Gutiérrez D. 0 comments

460_0___30_0_0_0_0_0_1452282_1285159981509812_5846494853444119716_n.jpg imageΈνας κόσμος να αλ ... Jan 07 04:04 by Andrew Flood 0 comments

1452282_1285159981509812_5846494853444119716_n.jpg imageA World To Change In 2016 Jan 02 21:59 by Andrew Flood 0 comments

cover.jpg imageΣυζήτηση με τον Andrew Fl... Dec 26 18:05 by Mitsubishi & Sοugko 0 comments

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