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ireland / britain / migration / racism Thursday June 30, 2016 05:19 by Andrew
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Nigel Farage in front of a Leave poster
which many pointed out was very similar to a Nazi propaganda film.

The Leave / Brexit vote in the referendum came in the end as a surprise, a narrow win for Remain was expected. This may be because the core Leave vote was in the run-down white working class communities of the now desolate English and Welsh industrial zones. A population trapped in conditions of long-term unemployment and poverty who no one really pays much attention to anymore.

Some on the left have seized on the makeup of this core vote to suggest that there was some progressive element to the Brexit vote despite the campaign being led by racist hatemongers and wealthy US-oriented neoliberals. Mostly that's a mixture of wishful thinking and post hoc justification for having called for a Leave vote in the first place, but it is true that a section of the working class, C2DEs in marketing speak, voted to Leave in close to a 2:1 ratio. Is the class composition of that vote enough to automatically make it progressive regardless of content? And what does it tell us that a section of the radical left seems to think the answer to that question is yes, that it is enough to be anti-establishment?

See also:

Observations on Brexit and Lexit in the UK EU membership referendum
10 point guide for post Brexit resistance as racist right wins EU referendum

italia / svizzera / migrazione / razzismo Monday December 21, 2015 00:59 by Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA
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Non sarà facile sorreggere il peso dello scontro, una nuova fase della lotta antimilitarista ed antifascista ci vedrà coinvolti come sempre, per l’internazionalismo proletario contro il capitalismo e le sue sempre nuove, sempre vecchie, forme di sfruttamento e di violenza.

france / belgique / luxembourg / migration / racisme Tuesday January 13, 2015 16:46 by José Antonio Gutiérrez D.
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Des milliers de personnes, affectées par cet attentat –ce qui est compréhensible -, ont fait circuler des messages disant "Je suis Charlie" comme si ce message était le dernier cri de la défense de la liberté. Eh bien, je ne suis pas Charlie. Je ne m'identifie pas à la représentation dégradante et "caricaturale" qu'il fait du monde islamique, en pleine "Guerre contre le Terrorisme", avec toute la charge raciste et colonialiste que celle-ci comporte.

Je tiens à clarifier d'emblée que je considère l'attentat contre les bureaux du journal satirique Charlie-Hebdo à Paris comme une horreur et que je ne crois pas qu'il soit justifiable en quelque circonstance que ce soit, de convertir un journaliste, si douteuse que soit sa qualité professionnelle, en objectif militaire. Cela vaut en France, comme en Colombie ou en Palestine. Je ne m'identifie non plus avec aucun fondamentalisme, ni chrétien, ni juif, ni musulman, ni non plus avec le laïcisme bébête francisé, qui érige la "République" sacrée en déesse...

[English] [Castellano] [Türkçe] [Italiano] [ελληνικά]

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france / belgique / luxembourg / migration / racisme Saturday January 18, 2014 14:10 by BErckman
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Une analyse de la dynamique antisémite en France

I - Comprendre la dynamique antisémite pour mieux la combattre
II - « Complot sioniste-illuminatis », le « rebranding » du complot « juif et franc maçon »
III - L’impasse du légitimisme institutionnel bourgeois des institutions communautaires
IV - L’impasse de l’option sioniste
V - L’option révolutionnaire : la seule voie pour briser l’antisémitisme

Dans la rue, sur internet, au travail : l’antisémitisme explose. Pour la première fois en France depuis la seconde guerre mondiale, des enfants ont été assassiné parce que juifs, à Ozar Hatorah, à Toulouse. Des synagogues sont attaquées, des cimetières et lieux communautaires vandalisés. Des personnes agressées, insultées, parce qu’elles sont juives ou parce qu’elles sont considérés comme telles. Les propos antisémites explosent sur internet : la vieille rengaine puante du « complot juif mondial » se propage à grande vitesse par textes et vidéos...

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southern africa / migration / racism Sunday December 15, 2013 23:39 by Shawn Hattingh and Lucien van der Walt
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The destruction of the apartheid state form, with its odious policies of coercion and racism, was a major triumph for the working class in South Africa and elsewhere, showing that ordinary people can challenge and defeat systems that seem quite unbreakable. Mandela did play a heroic role, but was also the first to admit that “It is not the kings and generals that make history but the masses of the people, the workers, the peasants, the doctors, the clergy." And indeed, it was the black working class, above all, that through struggle tore down many features of apartheid by the late 1980s, such as the pass law system, the Group Areas Act and numerous other odious laws and policies.

The 1994 transition in South Africa was a political revolution, a break with the apartheid and colonial periods of state-sanctioned white supremacy, a “massive advance” in the conditions of the majority. It introduced a new state, based on non-racialism, in which South Africa was to be a multi-racial, multi-cultural but unified country, founded on human rights; welfare and social policy and legislation was transformed; capitalism was kept in place, but despite this, there were very massive and very real changes, political and material, that made qualitative differences in the daily lives of millions of black and working class people. And for millions, it is precisely the association of Mandela with that victory and with those changes that makes him so emotionally powerful.

Yet at the same time, Mandela’s policies and politics had important limitations that must be faced if the current quandary of South Africa, nearly 20 years later, is to be understood. Mandela never sold out: he was committed to a reformed capitalism, and a parliamentary democracy, and unified South Africa based on equal civil and political rights, a project in which black capitalists and black state elites would loom large. These goals have been achieved, but bring with them numerous problems that must be faced up if the final liberation – including national liberation – of South Africa’s working class is to be achieved.

The 1994 breakthrough was a major victory, but it was not the final one, for a final one requires a radical change in society, towards a libertarian and socialist order based on participatory democracy, human needs rather than profit and power, and social and economic justice, and attention to issues of culture and the psychological impact of apartheid.

As long as the basic legacy of apartheid remains, in education, incomes, housing and other spheres, and as long as the working class of all races is excluded from basic power and wealth by a black and white ruling class, so long will the national question – the deep racial / national divisions in South Africa, and the reality of ongoing racial/ national oppression for the black, Coloured and Indian working class – remain unresolved. And so long will it continue to generate antagonisms and conflicts, the breeding ground for rightwing populist demagogy, xenophobia and crime. By contrast, a powerful black elite, centred on the state and with a growing corporate presence, has achieved its national liberation.

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Employees at the Zarfati Garage in Mishur Adumim vote to strike on July 22, 2014. (Photo courtesy of Ma’an workers union)

Employees at the Zarfati Garage in Mishur Adumim vote to strike on July 22, 2014. (Photo courtesy of Ma’an workers union)

Migration / racism

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