On winning or losing;

For the last three elections, nearly one sixth of the voters do not participate in elections. This shows us that 10,000,000 of the nearly 60,000,000 voters will not participate in the referendum. 25,000,001 of the 50,000,000 voters will give yes vote or no vote. 24,999,999 voters will have lost with the difference of a single vote. It's that easy to win or lose in this system. [Turkçe] Also read On Referendum DAF Sur le référendum [en Turquie, NdT] DAF DAF’ın Referandum Üzerine Birinci Bildirisi Κείμενο της Επαναστατικής Αναρχικής Δράσης (DAF) read full story / add a comment

Το κείμενο της DAF δημοσιεύτηκε στις 17/2/2017

Επαναστατική Αναρχική Δράση

Σχετικά με το δημοψήφισμα: πρώτη ανακοίνωση
[Turkçe] [English][Français] Διαβάστε και Regarding Referendum 2 DAF (στα αγγλικά) Referanduma Dair 2 DAF (στα τουρκικά) read full story / add a comment

In all selective systems, the ones who is majority takes the power. In democracy, the power of majority is democratic. Whoever is majority takes the power, whoever is minority does not have power. The relationship between the majority and minority during the election continues as a debate between two separate methods. The only thing that they don't discuss is elections. Election is a bet which begins when a group says "I-we want to administrate society" and they are replied by another group saying "no I-we want to administrate". Election is a process of counting voters, initiated by agreement of the parties of the bet and can not occur without the voters. The government of society is owned by the side which has more voters than the other side. The voter is only a numeric value in the bet. This numeric value is not a value to care about for a citizen trying to solve the many problems of everyday life. To increase participation to elections, the parties of the bet, want to promote the citizens from the voter title into the bettor title. This should increase the participation of the bet. The increase in attendance will cause the voter, being a number, to internalize the bet and then the domination formed as a result the result of the elections. The voter will accept the result of elections and the power of the selected side, regardless of who won or lost. This acceptance of the citizens is a win for each group who bets on elections. As long as the winner of the elections continues its government, the loser will continue its opposition and both sides will wait for the next elections.
[Turkçe][Français][Ελληνικά] Also read: Regarding Referendum 2 DAF Referanduma Dair 2 DAF (in Turkish) read full story / add a comment

Αν δεν απαλλαγούμε από τα όρια του εθνικού κράτους, από το φαντασιακό της εθνικής επικράτειας δυσκολευόμαστε να σκεφτούμε το πώς θα μπορούσε να αυτοκυβερνηθεί αυτή ακριβώς η επικράτεια. Με σημερινούς όρους συνόρων δεν θα μπορούσε, ακόμη και αν τα εθνοκράτη δεν κατέρρεαν, όπως καταρρέουν. Δεν έχουμε λόγο να περιοριζόμαστε σε αυτά τα όρια. Βλέπουμε σήμερα πληθυσμούς να εξεγείρονται, όχι αρνητικα μονάχα, μα με θετικό τρόπο, προχωρώντας σε τοπικές αυτοθεσμίσεις που συνδυάζουν παραδοσιακούς κοινοτιστικούς τρόπους ζωής με το σύγχρονο πρόταγμα της άμεσης δημοκρατίας. read full story / add a comment

In the midst of gorging themselves through exploitation and corruption, competing factions of the flabby ruling class in South Africa (the ruling class being capitalists, politicians and top state officials) have once again stepped into the ring to take pieces out of one another. In the one corner of the fight is the Zuma faction - comprised of sections of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) capitalists, top state officials, and politicians aligned to Zuma - while in the other corner is the Ramaphosa/Gordhan faction - comprised of sections of the ANC leadership such as Ramaphosa and Gordhan, white capital and the South African Communist Party (SACP). These factions have recently been standing toe to toe exchanging blows and in the process, metaphorical blood has been spilled: those of a few Cabinet Ministers, including Pravin Gordhan. read full story / add a comment

Por primera vez en la historia del país, se abre una discusión presupuestal a mitad de un período de gobierno. El Presupuesto fue elaborado por dos años debido según el gobierno a la “volatilidad e inestabilidad internacional”. Ahora se re-discutirá todo o buena parte del mismo. Pero ya el Presidente y el Ministro de Economía han abierto el paraguas de la “prudencia en el gasto”.

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Kawa’nın yüz yıllar önce yaktığı isyan ateşi, devletin Newroz’u yasaklamasına rağmen, Kürdistan’ın dört bir yanında harlanmaya devam ediyor.
Bugün, Demirci Kawa’nın zalim Dehaq’ın karşısına çıkarak “Ey Saray sahibi, seninle adalet için kavga etmeye geldim!” dediği gündür. Bugün, kavganın ve isyanın, direnerek özgürleşmenin günüdür. Bugün, Kawa’nın çıktığı yolda, aynı adalet kavgasıyla; yaşadığımız coğrafyada süren soykırım girişimlerine, kimyasal gazlarla katliamlara, zorla göç ettirmelere ve asimilasyon politikalarına karşı isyanı büyütmenin günüdür. Bugün Newroz’dur! read full story / add a comment

Aodhan Ó Ríordáin jets off to the States this week to try and crack America with his unique brand of hypocritical liberalism, trumpeting himself as an anti-racist icon in contrast to Trump’s policies of detention and deportation of undocumented migrants. Tómas Lynch takes a look at his record on the homefront. read full story / add a comment

«Επαναστατικές συγγένειες (Τα κόκκινα και τα μαύρα αστέρια μας)» των Olivie Besancenot και Michael Löwy read full story / add a comment

Το κυπριακό πρόβλημα υπάρχει και είναι άλυτο εδώ και πολλές γενιές. Η δυσκολία του εκφράζεται και με τη λαϊκή ρήση που επαναλαμβάνεται όταν δεν υπάρχει συμφωνία σε κάτι: «λες και έχουμε να λύσουμε το Κυπριακό!», αναφωνούμε.
Εξαιρετικό άρθρο του Γιώργου Κολέμπα, από το ιστολόγιο τοπικοποίηση read full story / add a comment

Bribery and extortion of the piblic police and other officials is to fund the Zimbabwean state. The regime destroyed any healthy form of industry and severely cut itself from its financial feeding source. Now they have employed police, city council and Zimra to become state fund-raisers ticketing for almost everything a citizen is supposed to receive from the state but the state cannot provide. read full story / add a comment

A modo de balance del 2016, podemos concluir que durante el año se manifestaron, a groso modo, dos posiciones en referencia a cómo resistir la brutal ofensiva de los de arriba. Por un lado, la que apunta fundamentalmente a la canalización institucional de las demandas populares, con la mira puesta en las elecciones de 2017[1] y, por otro, la que se orienta al protagonismo popular y la lucha a fondo, que en estos momentos se hace imprescindible para no perder ninguna conquista.
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An anarchist communist approach of the recent protests in Romania
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În cele ce urmează vom încerca să formulăm câteva idei dintr-o perspectivă anarhist comunistă, în măsura în care se poate realiza într-o manieră coerentă acest lucru în prezent, asupra protestelor recente împotriva deciziilor luate de partidul de guvernământ și percepute ca un atac la adresa „statului de drept”, a parcursului post-decembrist al României și a „progreselor” înregistrate în ultimii 27 de ani.
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Κυκλοφόρησε από το ΠΑΝΟΠΤΙΚόΝ
Κώστας Δεσποινιάδης, Έξοδος Κινδύνου
Μια συλλογή δοκιμίων για την αντιεξέγερση, την κρίση, τον φασισμό, την κατάσταση εκτάκτου ανάγκης και την ουτοπία read full story / add a comment

Eleksyon ki sòt fèt yo montre nou klèman eleksyon pa yon solisyon pou peyi Dayiti. Nou ka di se pa premye fwa Batay Ouvriye ap denonse kalite eleksyon sa yo nan peyi a. Men, jodi a, nou wè aklè gagòt seri eleksyon ki sòt fèt yo montre nou se yon seleksyon politisyen reyaksyonè awogan ak arivis ki pran tèt aparèy leta. E li te previzib! Se te yon konpetisyon ant politisyen ak kolòn abolotcho epi granmanjè pou gade kiyès nan yo ki pwal dirije LETA a, nan enterè pa yo anvan, epi nan enterè tout rès klas dominan yo ak enpeyalis yo. E menm si pa t gen seleksyon, eleksyon yo t ap toujou fèt nan enterè klas dominan yo, pi patikilyèman boujwa yo, grandon yo ak patwon yo, enpeyalis yo. read full story / add a comment

Afirmo de maneira categórica: A ex-esquerda sucumbiu por ignorância ou subestimação do conceito de ideologia e a consequência direta da falsa ideia de hegemonia na sociedade brasileira. Como também afirmo há tempos, chegando ao ponto da exaustão por repetição do conceito, não trato da hegemonia de tipo superficial ou rasteira, quando se entende – de maneira equivocada – “ter hegemonia” a simplesmente impor alguns nomes para certos cargos-chave em instituições importantes dentro de uma sociedade estruturalmente desigual. Isso não é hegemonia, talvez hegemonismo, velho vício das esquerdas encantadas com a tentação autoritária. read full story / add a comment

Η θεωρία του Μαρξ αποτελεί κατά βάση κριτική της πολιτικής οικονομίας και πιο συγκεκριμένα, την κριτική του κυρίαρχου οικονομικο-πολιτικού συστήματος της εποχής της αυξανόμενης βιομηχανίας του 19ου αιώνα. Ο βιομηχανικός κόσμος, όπως και η άνοδος του καπιταλισμού, φαίνεται ταυτόχρονα να υπόσχονται έναν αυξανόμενο τεχνολογικό και οικονομικό πλούτο, αναπτύσσοντας παράλληλα πολλές αντιθέσεις εντός της κοινωνίας. Ο Μαρξ εντοπίζει αυτές τις αντιθέσεις ως καταπιεστικές και αποξενωτικές για την ανθρώπινη φύση και θεμελιώνει μια θεωρία που προτάσσει τους όρους απελευθέρωσης του ανθρώπου από αυτές. read full story / add a comment

Communiqué de la CGA suite à la cinquième prolongation de l'état d'urgence en France. read full story / add a comment

As the civil war in Syria continues, in the territory of Rojava – in Kurdish, 'the West' – the northern Syrian Kurdish political movement is attempting to implement 'libertarian municipalism', based on the thoughts of United States (US) anarchist Murray Bookchin. Since the withdrawal of Syrian regime forces in 2012, the movement has consolidated significant territorial gains as a US ally in the anti-Islamic State (IS) struggle, while simultaneously securing Russian support. Viewed with suspicion by Turkey, Syria and Iraqi Kurdistan, the geopolitical conditions of Rojava's emergence are its greatest impediment. This article analyses Rojava's model of rule and socioeconomic development, and its theory and practice in the context of the civil war, and regional Middle Eastern and wider global geopolitics. It reflects on Rojava's place and meaning for contemporary geopolitics in the Middle East, and considers the territory's prospects, discussing its transformative potential for an otherwise troubled region. read full story / add a comment